The Ethics of Democracy
by Louis F. Post
Part 4, Economic
Tendencies
Chapter 4, The Trend of the Trust
IN the preceding chapter trusts are classified in three
categories:
trusts without legal privileges, trusts that own legal privileges, and
trusts that own no legal privileges directly but sublet such privileges
from trusts that do own them. Trusts without legal privileges are
described as weakest of all, and as fated from their inception to
perish; those that sublet legal privileges, as likely to rise and fall
in subordination to the legally privileged trusts on which they are
dependent; and those that own legal privileges, as doomed unless they
establish themselves firmly upon such legal privileges as are
fundamental - the conclusion being that "in the end no trusts will be
left to rule in the economic field save those which have their feet
upon the ground." Proceeding from this conclusion, let us first ask
ourselves to what extent business can be thus securely monopolized by
trusts.
The control of trusts by
trusts - in other words, the merging of many trusts into one trust,
much as many kinds of business have been merged each into its
appropriate trust - is clearly among the possibilities of trust
development. Such a tendency has already become actually
manifest.
Two competing railroad
systems, for instance, each made up of what were originally independent
roads, are in essence if not in name, two independent trusts. In time
one of these systems falls under the control of the same interests that
control the other. They might be operated as independent properties,
preserving the form while destroying the substance of competitive
operation, but for a Supreme Court decision against "pooling," which
may make it necessary, or at least expedient, to abandon even the form
of competitive operation. If so, one would be operated avowedly as a
branch of the other. In either event the two systems would be but one
system; the two trusts would be consolidated.
Nor
need we look to railroading alone for such examples. Telegraphy,
telephoning, electric power and light supply, gas works, and the like,
are all tending to consolidation. First there are franchises to
different corporations in a community; then comes consolidation of
franchises, until one corporation - essentially a trust - owns them
all. And that stage is followed by a consolidation of these interests
in different communities under a central control - a central
trust.
As to trusts generally -
the "industrials," as their stock is called in the "street" - their
evolution is similar. Competing establishments in a given line of
business, consolidate and form a trust. Their object, which may be in
part to secure economy in production, is in other and perhaps greater
part to stop competition. Except as these combinations are buttressed
with great legal privileges, they are, as already indicated, in danger
from the constant pressure of competition, actual or potential, which
tends to produce disintegration. For competition is a vital social
principle. Its operation may be obstructed by minor monopolies, but its
force cannot be quite neutralized by anything short of perfect and
complete monopoly. Consequently, until a trust or a series of trusts
secures complete control of all the natural resources which its
operations require, it feels the force of competitive influences. When
one line of business, therefore, consolidates into one trust, and other
more or less related lines consolidate into other trusts, these various
trusts are by the same impulse that prompted them to form original
trusts, prompted to form a trust of trusts. They thus consolidate under
one control not only all the establishments in each line of business,
but all the trusts in the different related lines of business,
including the trusts that own the natural sources of supply.
This
would make that trust of trusts invincible within its own sphere. Its
feet would be upon the ground. Yet it might still be embarrassed by its
dependence upon others for subsidiary products. In that case it would
come into collision with the trust of trusts that had its feet upon the
ground as to those products. Then a struggle would ensue, the result of
which would be consolidation of these trusts of trusts.
Suppose,
for illustration (and the illustration is by no means strained), that
the steel manufacturing business were by processes of consolidation
brought under the control of a trust which dominated the business,
merely as a steel business, from beginning to end - owning everything
from finished product back to ore mines. That trust of trusts would
have its feet upon the ground. But it must use coal; and here, let us
say, is a trust of trusts which dominates the coal business, from
delivery at your cellar door back to the mines from which coal is dug.
That trust, too, has its feet upon the ground. In such a case the
interests of these two trusts would collide, and out of the collision
the steel trust and the coal trust would emerge as one.
That
illustrates the trend of trusts. Following them from their beginnings,
we find a tendency first to the consolidation of businesses of the same
kind into trusts for those kinds of business respectively; then to the
consolidation of trusts in kindred lines; then to the consolidation of
those trusts as they come into collision with one another; and so on,
each trust gaining power over its rivals as it secures a broader and
firmer foothold upon the ground.
Unhindered
by fundamental reform, the organization of trusts and their absorption
into trusts of trusts would eventuate in the ownership of all business
by some gigantic trust, which would get its power as Antaeus
got his, by keeping in touch with the earth. Owning the earth, it would
own men; and owning men, it would own all that they produce, from the
simplest food to the most marvelous machinery. The middle class would
disappear, and only two classes would remain - beneficiaries of the
trusts and their favorites on the one hand, and impoverished and
dependent hirelings and beggars for work on the other.
To
this triumph of the trust, socialists look forward with satisfaction.
They see in it the opportunity of the people to take possession not
only of the earth but of the artificial instruments of production also,
by dethroning the few trusts or the single trust that may acquire this
vast ownership. They are satisfied because in this trend they discover
signs of the evolution of common ownership of the mechanism of
production and distribution. But in the trust phenomena there is little
real cause for satisfaction. As the evolution of the trust proceeds,
trust employes become in greater and greater degree mere voting
machines, registering at the polls not their own convictions, but their
employers' commands. This condition, only worse, would be universal
should the development of trusts proceed even approximately to the
point indicated above as possible. And when the time came to dethrone
the trusts, the trusts themselves - through armies of dependent voters
- and not the convictions or the interests of the people, would decide
the issue. It might be that the trusts would decide in favor of their
own dethronement. But if they did, they themselves would fix the terms;
and we may rest assured that the dethronement would be but nominal. All
land and all machinery might by their consent be turned over to a
government; but it would be at a price which the trusts would dictate,
and to a government which they would continue to control.
It
is not by waiting until trusts own everything and then taking it from
them, neither by trusting to their destroying their own power by
overproduction, that the industrial question must be met. If the evils
of the trust are to be overcome and its dangers avoided, the people
must possess themselves in time of the strategic point toward which the
trust is advancing. Since the trust cannot survive without,
Antaeus-like, getting its feet upon the ground, it is to be destroyed
only as Antaeus
was, by keeping it entirely off the ground.
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