APRIL 1, 1891
PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY, BY WM. T. CROASDALE, AT NO. 42 UNIVERSITY PLACE.
VOL. IX. NO. 13.
NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1, 1891
||SINGLE TAX SYSTEM
|Value of bare land
||Value of bare land||........|
|Value of other taxable property||........||Tax equal to 90 per cent.
of yearly rent of bare land.
|Protected goods bought
|Tax by tariff of 47 per
* * * *
The Boston Herald has been canvassing the New England farmers to find how they stand on the question of organizing Farmers Alliances in that section. Leading farmers and officers of State and local granges, so the Herald claims, are against such organization.
* * * *
The present revolt in Chili is a protest against
landlordism."So says Dr. W. A. Edwards, of Denver, Col., who was for
ten years a resident of Valparaiso. "Chili is nominally a republic,"
says the doctor, "but practically it has long been an oligarchy
controlled by thirty or forty rich and influential landlord families.
While the rising as nominally one against the President it is in
reality directed against the system of which he is the representative,
and while the personal causes for complaint brought matters to a focus
they had little to do with the origin of the troubles." For years all
legislation has been in the interest of the landlord class, and the
people have been as completely ignored as if they had no existence.
The National Association of Democratic Clubs have issued a circular urging the several clubs to celebrate Jefferson's birthday on April 2. Better late than never; meantime, the Democratic clubs of this city - in view of the short time they have for preparation this year - are hereby invited to join with the Manhattan Single Tax Club in its celebration to-morrow evening at Cooper Union. It will be a straight-out Jeffersonian Democratic meeting, so our friends of the Democratic clubs need not fear to attend.
Late Congressman McKinley told the Home Market Club of
Providence, R. I., last week that the defeat of the Republican party
last November was caused by "Democratic lies.'* Perhaps so. And is that
the reason why Mr. McKinley's President doesn't want the agitation of
the tariff renewed - because he doesn't want the Democrats to tell any
Writing from Bruchsal, Germany, William Wolff says that there has lately appeared a ten cent German edition of "Looking Backward," that as being largely advertised over there. The cheapest edition of "Progress and Poverty" in Germany still sell at seventy-live cents. He also mentions an article that appeared in the Frankfurter Zeitung, describing a little town called Fremdeustadt in Wuritemberg, which is one of those towns where the remains of the old communal system of land ownership of the German Mark are still to be found. The citizens still own a considerable amount of forest and other lands in common, and from the rents and sales of products they realize enough money to pay all municipal expenses. In addition, this year, every citizen received a dividend of $6.25 from the common fund.
The Rev, A. P. McDiarmid, pastor of the Tabernacle Baptist Church in Brooklyn, addressed a meeting of Baptist ministers the other day on the subject of church taxes. He argued that the Baptist Church should not countenance the exemption of State taxes which is now in vogue. "The church, in accepting an exemption from taxes" said he, "receives that which is wrested from the tax-payers. It as a gift from the State and a tendency toward the State's maintenance of the church. A public grant each year from the State would be less objectionable, for then everything would be done openly, and the tax-payers would know just how much the different churches were receiving. A religion that cannot pay its just taxes should be booted out of the world.
In the April issue of the Arena, Thomas G. Shearman has an article on "Crooked Taxation," which is the name he has applied to that system of raising Government revenues, euphoniously denominated indirect taxation. Crooked taxation, says Mr. Shearman, has an unpleasant sound, but it is a far more accurate definition of the thing meant than the current name. The maintenance of this system of taxation for so many years, he says, has been largely due to the judicious selection of the name, indirect taxation; for this name made people look on the thing simply as a method "by which taxes are collected in small amounts at the convenience of the taxpayer," while direct taxation required them to be paid in large amounts at the convenience of the State. In reality, however, it means a great deal more. Indirect or crooked taxation, says Mr. Shearman, is a system under which
The taxes are always paid to the Government by persons who are authorized and expected to recover the amount from some one else, with interest and a profit, upon which the law places no limit....
The whole burden of such taxes rests upon consumption and not at all upon wealth. The system absolutely exempts property from the support of Government, and draws taxes only from those who have to spend, and in proportion to their expenses.
And, of course, as the necessary expenses of the poor are much heavier proportionately than those of the rich, these taxes bear much heavier on the poor than on the rich.
In addition to this, the system generally, though not invariably, adds to the cost of supporting the Government a private profit, so large as to far exceed the whole amount of taxes paid by the rich as a class.
The whole of this private profit goes to a portion of the richer class; thus exempting them as a class from all taxation, and giving them a large net profit from the very fact of taxation.
This, system, therefore, perpetually increases the natural savings of the rich, while it almost swallows up the natural savings of the poor.
The tendency of this method of taxation is, therefore:
1. To make the rich richer and the poor poorer.
2. To shift the burden of taxation from those best able to bear it to those least able.
3. To remove all checks upon the extravagance of government, by making the only persons who know that they pay taxes indifferent as to the amount of taxes, if not actually interested in maintaining needless taxes, for the sake of a profit upon their collection.
4. To force into existence a class of wealthy men, whose income depends upon legalized robbery.
5. To complicate the business of the country with taxation, so that enormous burdens are kept upon the people, for fear that "vested interests" will suffer, if these burdens are lightened.
6. To promote bribery and corruption, by making business profits directly dependent upon political action.
a system is well called Crooked Taxation. It is crooked in operation,
form, motives, aims and effects. It is not merely indirect; it is
irregular. It never proceeds in any fixed line, curved or straight. Its
line of working, says Mr. Shearman, is pulled up and down by selfish
interest at a thousand points, until it becomes so hopelessly crooked
that nothing short of omniscience can foresee its effects.
But while the specific effects of the individual taxes cannot be foretold, the general effects of the system can be very plainly seen in both retrospect and prospect. The main effect is that such taxes tend to make the rich richer and the poor poorer; they tend to increase the disparity between the rich and the poor. To prove this is the main object of Mr. Shearman's paper. In the first place he makes the following estimate of the burden of taxation in this country in 1880:
|Internal revenue, etc.,
|Increased prices, domestic protected goods
|Dealers' profits, 15 per cent.
|Landlords' and dealers' profits, five per cent.
dealer's profits are based on the cost of the article as it comes to
him from the importer or manufacturer; and this cost includes the tax.
Fifteen per cent. is, of course, a low estimate for wholesale and
retail dealers' profits before an article reaches the consumer, and 5
per cent, profit on the extra cost which local taxes on buildings and
goods occasion is still lower, but Mr. Shearman prefers to be on the
Now, the actual production of the nation in 1880 was, according to Mr. Shearman, $8,568,000,000, and the total expenditures of all classes was $7,212,000,000, including the $1,354,000,000 taxes, which, were thus 18 7/10 per cent. of the expenditures; and the total savings of all classes were $1,350,000,000. If there had been no taxes, therefore, the savings would have been just double; that is, taxes were 50 per cent. of the possible savings, had expenditures and production been the same as they were. But while taxes took 50 per cent. of possible savings, on the average, it took far more than 50 per cent. of the possible savings of the poor, and far leas than 50 per cent. of the possible savings of the rich; for the taxes fell on people just in proportion to the amount of their income that they spent.
To show how this affected the distribution of savings, Mr. Shearman divides the population into ten classes. We need to take but the richest and the poorest. The richest class, comprising 50 persons, had a total income of $75,000,000. Their expenses were $12,500,000, including taxes of 187/10 per cent., amounting to $2,337,500. Their actual savings were $62,500,000; if they had paid no taxes their savings would have been, therefore, $64,837,500. The difference between their possible and actual savings was thus very slight, say 31/3 per cent. The poorest class, comprising 13,000,000 wage workers, had an income of $4,101,600,000; they spent $3,896,520,000, and including taxes of 187/10 per cent., amounting to £728,649,000.
actual savings were $205,000,000; if they had paid no taxes, therefore,
their savings would have been $933,729,000. Thus the difference between
their possible and actual savings was about 77 per cent. So that taxes
cut down the possible savings of the richest class only 31/3 per cent., while it cut down the savings of the poorest class 77 per cent.
Separating the whole income-drawing population into three classes, Mr. Shearman estimates that the total annual savings are at present divided as follows:
That is, the laboring class is saving 19 per cent, of the
wealth, or the laboring and middle classes together, 36 per cent.:
while the rich are saving 64 per cent.
Now, if there had been no taxes at all, the possible savings of the whole people would have been as follows:
That is, the laboring class could have saved 43 per cent., or the laboring and middle classes together 60 per cent.; while the rich could have saved only 40 per cent, of the total amount. This is supposing there were no taxes. But, says Mr. Shearman. "if taxation were direct and exactly equal, the annual savings of each class should bear the same proportion to each other after taxation that they did before."
The substitution of direct taxes for our crooked taxes would, therefore, bring about an entire change in the distribution of savings; the expenses of government would be 50 per cent. less; production, being no longer burdened by taxation, would enormously increase, and the laboring masses could accumulate threefold as fast as at present, while spending much more than they do now. "Many reforms," says Mr. Shearman, "are needed in this favored republic, but none can compare in importance or far-reaching effects with this. Let crooked taxation be utterly destroyed."
In the March issue of the Nineteenth Century, Mr. Andrew Carnegie has an article on "The Advantages of Poverty," which was called forth by a paper of Mr. Gladstone in the same periodical, criticising Mr. Carnegie's "Gospel of Wealth," under which title two articles of his were recently reprinted in the Pall Mall Gazette. The fundamental idea of the Gospel of Wealth as Mr. Carnegie states it is:
That surplus wealth should be considered a sacred trust to be administered by those into whose hands it falls, during their lives, for the good of the community. It predicts that the day is at hand when he who dies possessed of enormous sums which were his and free to administer during his life, will die disgraced, and holds that the aim of the millionaire should be to die poor.
Mr. Carnegie is of course a believer in the accumulation and growth of wealth, for "we know" he says, "that rapid as is its growth, its distribution among the people in streams more and more numerous is still more rapid." The few enormous fortunes amassed in America in the present generation, he says, were made under conditions that no longer exist; and as for such statements as that of Henry George, that growing progress is accompanied by growing poverty, he says:
I do not know a writer of authority upon social and economic questions who has not only disputed Mr. George's statement, hut who has not pronounced their opposites to be the truth. In speaking to Mr. Herbert Spencer, of Mr. George's book, Mr. Spencer told me he had read a few pages and then thrown it down as "trash.''
it must be, for as Mr. Carnegie says: "My progress has inevitably
carried with it not the growing poverty but inevitably the growing
riches of my countrymen, as the progress of every employer must
necessarily carry with it the enrichment of the country and the
laborer;" and he proves very satisfactorily to himself, by savings
banks statistics, the decline in the size of farms, statistics of
pauperism etc., that the people of America at any rate are progressing
without any increase of poverty. In fact, he says, "The condition of
the masses is satisfactory just in proportion as a country is blessed
But, he nevertheless holds that the "hereditary transmission of position and wealth," which Mr. Gladstone defends, is an evil, and that "the hereditary transmission of poverty and health" is the greatest spur to development of individual and national greatness, for "the greatest and best of our race have necessarily been nurtured in the bracing school of poverty," rank and wealth being almost fatal to greatness and goodness. It was to express these views he says, that he once wrote in a lady's album, "I should as soon leave to my son a curse as 'the almighty dollar.'"
To rear a son in ease and luxury and then turn over to his care the management of a great business or industry is, in Mr. Carnegie's opinion a crime; it leads to great failures and the ruin of thousands of people. Such businesses should pass into the hands of men who have worked their way up, and the beauty of it is, Mr. Carnegie says they do and always will.
This is undoubtedly line as regards ordinary competitive businesses. Look at the names of the leading merchants or manufacturers of fifty or one hundred years ago, and how few of them were in the hands of the ancestors of our present merchant princes. The collapse of a well established and mammoth business like A. T. Stewart's, after his death, shows the working of a general rule - that great fortunes invested in competitive businesses do not tend to perpetuate themselves. But our rich men have found out that there are other things than competitive businesses - there are monopolies; and great fortunes invested in monopolies not only do not tend to disappear, but tend to increase, for all that is required of the inheritor to increase his fortune is to simply not spend more than his income - for the rest the monopoly takes care of itself. Such a monopoly is the ownership of land: and the growth of great landed estates in the cities of the eastern part of this country, which have already passed from father to son for three or more generations, in a proof of the difference between a monopoly and a competitive business. But it is true that very few of the inheritors of such estates and monopolies take any prominence as men. Their training and education that would disqualify them from managing an inherited business, also prevent them from occupying their leisure to any great advantage; it is the men who have had to work their way up that do the great things. "Ergo," says Mr. Carnegie, "poverty is a blessing."
When we come to read between the lines, however, we see that what Mr. Carnegie really means is not that poverty is a blessing, for he rejoices in the fact that poverty is decreasing; he rejoices in the fact that in this country, as he believes, fewer and fewer of the people are doomed to a wretched struggle for a bare existence in conditions and surroundings that crush all aspirations after anything higher in life than a bare animal existence. In fact, his Gospel of Wealth is a plea to the rich to help eradicate this poverty. He knows, as every man knows, that for one who has struggled and buffeted with the waves of the sea of poverty and come out strengthened and invigorated on the shore of success, a thousand have sunk beneath the waves "unwept, unhonored and unknown." What he really means to say is that it is a benefit for a man to feel that not on his inherited wealth, but on what he does and acquires by his own exertions will depend the respect of his fellow men; that every man should feel the necessity for work in order to maintain his position. This is true. And to bring about such a state of things, what is necessary? That all should be poor? No; but that none should be poor. In society as it now is, where the position, surroundings, associations and influence of ninety-nine out of every hundred men depend on their income, and where wealth can purchase from the poverty about it adulation, flattery, subservience and duties of almost any description, no matter how degrading or difficult, a man who inherits wealth naturally feels that he needs do little else than amuse himself. But in a society where no man who worked was poor, where wealth had lost its power to elevate or degrade, each man's position would depend upon his character and his exertions, and neither the spur of poverty nor the gospel of wealth would be needed to make every man struggle to do all he could for those about him, for only in so doing could he raise his own position.
A recent address of Charles Nagel, of St. Louis, delivered before the Round Table of that city has been published in pamphlet form. It is entitled "The Independent Voter." and deals with independent movements in local and municipal elections. Mr. Nagel seeks to inquire why such movements have failed to purify politics and how they should be conducted in order to accomplish some lasting results. He strikes the root of the trouble when he says of the ordinary independent "committee of 100" movements, "They do not sufficiently assist in the formation of opinions; they do not help to build the foundation but only come to trim the superstructure. Their political activity rests on no political principle." In the last sentence, "Their political activity rests on no political principle," is the gist of the whole matter. Now, as Mr. Nagel points out, municipal parties, as parties, and even state parties, are nearly disappearing. Local officials of every grade, sheriffs, poorhouse superintendents, and state legislators, are elected on national platforms. A man's views on the McKinley tariff, and the Force bill, or the views of the national party to which he belongs, really decide his election to places which have nothing to do with such issues. This is, of course, absurd, and Mr. Nagel claims it offers a chance for the independents to get up a movement founded on a definite principle, namely, the taking "of State and municipal elections out of the control of national parties." This, he says, may render it necessary to change the times of holding elections so as to render independence possible; but that can lie done. When this is done, it will be possible for respectable men to take an active, genuine interest in local politics, and the building up of local organizations, and there will be a chance to remedy what Professor Bryce called "the one conspicuous failure" of the American political system. Mr. Nagel's pamphlet is a very timely one, and the issue he presents is the one which must be taken up by those who would reform municipal politics.
One of the most useful little handbooks ever compiled for the use of those interested in any branch of economics or social science is the "Reader's Guide"* just issued by the Society for Political Education. It is a classified catalogue, thoroughly and comprehensively indexed, of all the important publications in English, French and German, bearing on politico-economic or social questions. Its classification includes over thirty different general topics, such as Land, Trade and Commerce, Pauperism, the Liquor Question, Charities, Parties, Church and State. Under each head are the titles of books, with a brief resumé of their contents, date of publication and names of publishers, form, size and in many cases the price; and a list of government reports and publications, pamphlets and magazine articles. For each subject the Editors recommend the special works they consider as best adapted to study, and they have planned reading courses for those who care to cover the whole ground. A 30 page index, admirably prepared enables one to refer to any special subject, book or author without the slightest trouble. The Editors, R. R. Bowker and George Hes [or Nes], deserve great praise for the able and discriminating manner in which they have performed an important piece of work. Such a book is very much needed and will undoubtedly find a large number of readers. It contains 170 pages. Price in cloth, $1.00; paper, 50 cents.
* The Readers' Guide in Economic, Social and Political Science. Edited by R. R. Bolker and George Hes. New York: Society for Political Education, G. P. Putnam's Sons, agents.
The Hartford, Conn., Central Labor Union has published an address of W. D. Gorsuch, entitled "The Tramp as a Social Factor," in pamphlet form for distribution. In considering that consummate flower of nineteenth century civilization, the tramp, Mr. Gorsuch is led to some reflections as to the causes of such an appearance, and his address is an argument for the Single Tax. Copies of the pamphlet can be secured by addressing George Jones, Secretary, C. L. U., Box 728. Hartford.
Editor of THE
STANDARD - SIR: Notwithstanding the
assertion that the eleven massacred men in New Orleans were shot not
because they were Italians, but because they were murderers, there is
no doubt of the bitter prejudice in this country against the sons of
sunny Italy. This prejudice is, of course, founded on ignorance, for
the Italians are a frugal, honest and law-abiding people. Americans are
glad to avail themselves of their industry and skill in all lines of
I do not know what justice and diplomacy will do in this case, but I do know that a sure punishment waits on Mr. Parkerson and his followers. Mr. Parkerson is described as the president of an athletic dub and a well-known lawyer. As an athlete, in his manhood and strength, did be not perceive the cowardice of inciting a mob of armed men against a few poor, disarmed prisoners? As a lawyer, did he not see that his vocation was that of conciliation and peace, instead of blood and extermination? If he has a conscience I fear he will have troubled dreams, and often rise to exclaim, like Lady Macbeth, that not all the waters of the ocean can wash from his hands those spots of blood.
Italy has long ago abolished the death penalty, and it is a sad reflection to see it sanctioned in America, when inflicted in such a form. The massacre is over, but will remain a blot upon civilization and Christianity. When we have to chronicle such horrors must we not agree with the greatest philosopher of our century in the book of books, "Progress and Poverty," that the tide of civilization is already receding from this country? God forbid it should continue to recede, and help us to turn it back.
To the Editor of THE
STANDARD - SIR: The protest in your issue
of March 11th, against a "mandatory" law from Albany, on the City of
New York, requiring the municipal government to comply with a provision
of 1886, for erecting free lodging houses, suggests a subject which is
just now shamefully slighted.
Our people seem to have forgotten their birthright and are ready to ignore the grand work of freedom that was wrought in 1789. If there is a single principle that stands out sharp and distinct in our Constitution and forms a thoroughly new departure from any old world usage, that principle is local rights.
Moreover, in practice the system has produced the best results. The principle of self-government can trace its origin farther back than any other principle of constitutional law; to the creation of man, a free, self-governing agent.
correctness of this theory is established by the fact that in all
history the nearer man has conformed to it in his political
institutions the more civilized he has become. That there is danger of
our wandering away from this just principle our history since the war
shows too well. The theory of the Government supporting the people
embodied in our tariff laws and pension bills, to say nothing of
bounties, subsidies and the proposed educational and Federal elections
measures, has had a very large support in the United States.
If such a theory were carried out it would only be a question of time for us to grow into a centralized republic, like France.
watch the weary struggle of local rights against paternalism which is
going on in Ireland and Scotland, should make Americans very thankful
for the great advantages they possess.
It will not do to fritter away these great privileges; they are entirely too dear; they are too hard to get. Once lost, they would never be regained. We should relapse into the petrifaction of China. The decadence of our State and municipal governments is too painful for words. This only goes to show how much we have already lost of our liberties, and now, when New York City is being governed from Albany, and Philadelphia is being governed from Harrisburg (witness our City Hall commission), it seems appropriate to sound an alarm.
Will you not, as the most advanced radical journal in America, ventilate this question of local rights, until we shall come to appreciate its great importance.
Philadelphia, March 14.
T. WISTAR BROWN. JR.
To the Editor of THE STANDARD - SIR: Permit me to call to the attention of your readers the following gem of "professional" criticism from Professor Simon N. Patten's recent essay on "The Educational Value of Political Economy" (page 31).
"A moral or political principle should be thoroughly discussed as a part of ethics or politics before it is introduced into economic discussion, and any principle that will not stand this test is not deserving of consideration in economics. Take, as an example, the doctrine of Henry George. By his method we have confused together arguments that are economic with those that are political and moral. We find the Ricardian law of rent put in the foreground. This is clearly an economic doctrine. But from the law of rent alone we could not draw any such conclusions as Mr. George desires. Coupled with the law of rent we find the negative politics of Herbert Spencer and the morality of taking land without compensation. The politics of Mr. Spencer, should of course, receive due attention in the proper place, but it does not lead to clear thinking to have his ideas inserted in an economic discussion, as though they were really based upon economic principles. The morality of public seizure without compensation, likewise, is clearly not an economic problem. It belongs to the field of morals and should be discussed as an ethical question along with other propositions of a like character. No correct judgment of the rights and obligations of land owners is possible without a complete history of land tenure. When, therefore, these three separate points of view are thrown together and the whole presented as if it were purely an economic argument, we have a condition of thinking, which produces undesirable results. It deceives the unwary and creates intolerance and dogmatism." Can nothing be done for the Professor? He lives in Philadelphia. Yours,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
CHARLES FREDERICK ADAMS.
The railroad corporations of the United States own land enough, given to them by the Government, to make six Slates as large as Iowa. They own 211,000,000 acres. A man by the name of Disston, of Pennsylvania, is the possessor of 4,000,000 acres, and the Vanderbilts own over 2,000,000 acres.
A GREAT GATHERING EXPECTED AT COOPER UNION TO-MORROW EVENING - THE SPEAKERS WILL BE HON. JERRY SIMPSON, HON. TOM L. JOHNSON AND THOMAS G. SHEARMAN.
Jefferson's birthday will be fitly celebrated in New York to-morrow night. There is every indication that the Free Trade mass meeting at Cooper Union, under the auspices of the Manhattan Single Tax Club, will be a success. The call for the meeting appeared in last week's STANDARD and it is as follows:
MANHATTAN SINGLE TAX CLUB,
73 Lexington Avenue,
NEW YORK, March 21, 1891.
To the Free Traders of New York:
that the time has passed for parleying with the trusts and rings who
are robbing the people through the tariff, and who, adding insult to
injury, pretend that the blackmail they are levying on the farmer and
the workman, the widow and the orphan, is for the protection of
And believing, moreover, that the repudiation of so-called "Protection" by the people in the recent Congressional elections not merely warrants but demands the raising of the standard of Free Trade as the leading national issue, the Manhattan Single Tax Club propose to celebrate the birthday of Thomas Jefferson by a
FREE TRADE MASS MEETING
THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 2ND, 1891,
and invite to join them in it, without regard to differences on other matters, all citizens who hold to Jefferson's principle of Free Commerce with all nations, and who stand ready to substitute for timid, illogical attempts to tinker with tariff reduction a manly effort to abolish the whole corrupting, degrading and impoverishing system, and to secure to every citizen of the United States the same right to trade with all the world that he now has to trade with his fellow citizens.
The meeting will be addressed by
JEREMIAH SIMPSON, Congressman from Kansas:
TOM L. JOHNSON, Congressman from Ohio;
THOMAS G. SHEARMAN, of New York.
The Manhattan Single Tax Club calls this meeting not as a demonstration in behalf of the Single Tax, but as a demonstration in behalf of Free Trade.
They therefore cordially invite to it not only Single Tax men but all other Free Traders.
By order of the Manhattan Single Tax Club,
A. J. STEERS, Secretary.
LOUIS F. POST, President.
The invitation of the Manhattan club to Free Traders generally to join them in this Free Trade demonstration has met with a notable response, as will be seen from the signatures to the following supplementary call:
To the Free Traders of New York:
Believing that the result of the late Congressional elections
demonstrates that the American voters have repudiated the theory of
"Protection," we unite with the Manhattan Single Tax Club in calling a
FREE TRADE MASS MEETING at Cooper Union, April 2, 1891, at 8 o'clock p.
M., at once to assert the right of every citizen to buy and sell where
he pleases, to demand for this city freedom to utilize her natural
advantages, and appropriately to celebrate the birthday of Thomas
Jefferson, who in the Declaration of Independence indicted George
III. for "Cutting off our Trade with All Parts of The World," and
put "Free Commerce with All Nations" in the platform of the great
national party he founded.
The Manhattan Single Tax Club has called this meeting exclusively in favor of FREE TRADE and without reference to the Single Tax.
Hon. Jeremiah Simpson, of Kansas; Hon. Tom L. Johnson, of Ohio, and others, will address this meeting.
JOHN DE WITT WARNER,
WALTER S. LOGAN,
No effort to actively solicit signatures was made. Proof slips
of the call were mailed to men known to be interested in the movement
against Protection, and the list above is the response. It could have
been made ten times as long by anything like a canvass for signatures,
but it will suffice as it is. it is a roll of honor of the Free Traders
who are ready now to say that
they are for Free Trade. Many names are omitted from it through mere
carelessness or neglect, and some for good and sufficient reasons. Some
that ought to be there are absent because of cowardice. STANDARD
readers who do not file their papers should cut this out for reference.
We have had a Free Trade club in this city for a long time. The names
of a number of its members will be found in the list above. The names
of others of its best known members are conspicuous by their absence. A
year hence they will regret that they did not sign.
Those who have received tickets of admission to the Fourth avenue entrance to the hall will please present themselves before half-past seven o'clock, if they wish to secure seats; for at that time the main doors will be thrown open to the general public.
from the New York and Brooklyn Single Tax clubs went up to Albany last
Thursday to urge the Committee on Taxation and Retrenchment to
favorably report the Stein bill. When the delegations arrived they
discovered that there was little general interest on the subject, but
that the committee was quite ready to hear argument on the subject.
Nine out of eleven members were present and the proceedings opened with
the reading of a brief argument by Mr. Stein in favor of the bill.
Mr. Louis F. Post, president of the Manhattan Single Tax Club, then made the opening argument in behalf of the bill. He began by alluding to the fact that some of the newspapers had characterized the pending measure as a Single Tax bill. He said that such was not the case, though he freely admitted that Single Tax men, as such, desired the passage of the bill, because in that event the people of any county could raise all needed revenues by a single tax on land values, if they so desired. So far as State taxation is concerned, Mr. Post pointed out that the bill proposes no change.
It proposes that hereafter all persons charged with the assessment of property for the purposes of taxation, shall assess bare land values in one column, improvement values in another, and personal property values in a third. The property assessed in all three columns is to be made the basis for the apportionment of State taxes among the several counties, but the supervisors of each county shall have the power to make all or any two or one of the three classes the basis for the tax levy. Mr. Post argued that such an arrangement would be entirely fair and would leave each county to regulate taxation according to its own interests or opinions. He declared that under such a law he had no doubt that New York county would exempt personal property from taxation.
A member from Oneida interrupted the speaker to ask if New York exempted personal property and Westchester taxed it, such property would not rapidly flow from Westchester to New York. Mr. Post replied that that would doubtless be the case, but that New York could stand it, since the movement would increase the value of real estate. Westchester could, on the other hand, put a stop to the tendency by ceasing to tax personal property. Mr. Post concluded by saying that Mr. W. T. Croasdale, editor ofT HE STANDARD, would argue in behalf of the local self-government feature of the bill.
Mr. Croasdale said that though a Single Tax man be did not
intend to touch on that subject further than to say that when the
farmers once understood the proposal they would be eager for it. He
said that the curse of our existing system was that as the years went
on the burden on farmers steadily becomes greater in proportion. He
alluded to a transaction many years ago (testified to by Mr. Ludlow
before the Blair commission) by which a considerable tract of land on
Fifth avenue was traded for one thousand acres of agricultural land,
while to-day a single city lot in the tract would sell for more than
the whole of the thousand acres once traded for two or three blocks.
When farmers come to understand, he said, that they are the owners of
cheap land only, and that all the high priced lands are in cities and
towns, they will get over the notion that making land values the sole
basis of taxation would work any hardship to them. But, Mr. Croasdale
continued, it was not the purpose of this bill to force even this
beniftcent system on anyone. If the men who want to tax everything have
a majority in any county they could try their pet system, while any
county desiring to exempt personal property could do so, and neither
experiment would involve any loss of revenue to the State. He insisted
that this was not only a wise compromise but that it would give a
positive test of the working of the opposing system that would enable
future legislators to come to Albany, not as advocates of a theory, but
as witnesses prepared to testify as to the actual workings of the
Mr. James P. Archibald followed. He handed to the chairman his credentials, authorizing him in the name of the Central Labor Union of New York to ask for the passage of the pending bill. He said he agreed with the views expressed by the preceding speakers, and that they were the views held by the workingmen ever since they began to consider questions of taxation, some five years ago.
Bolton Hall was the next speaker. He did not appear, he said, as the
representative of a Single Tax club, but as an individual controlling
for himself and others a large amount of city real estate. He said that
as a real estate owner he favored the abolition of all taxes on real
estate, knowing full well that the more wealth there as on Manhattan
Island the greater will be the value of the land. [This might be in
error, as Hall was a single taxer, or it might be a sarcasm, as Hall
had a considerable sense of irony. -web editor]
Horatio Camps, of Brooklyn, told the committee that he could bring
them, if need be, a petition from eight hundred to a thousand owners of
small homes in Brooklyn, praying for the passage of this bill, though
he added that every person for whom he spoke would be eager to use the
opportunity thus offered to establish the Single Tax in Kings County.
Mr. O. W. Thompson, secretary of the Brooklyn Single Tax club, argued in favor of the bill and made the important point that since personal property would under its provision only be necessarily used in ascertaining the county's indebtedness to the State, in those counties where taxes were levied on real estate only, as would be the case in New York and Kings, there would no longer be any incentive to conceal the possession of personal property.
Mr. Sterling, of Troy, followed and produced a copy of the bill that he had printed and circulated. He declared that ninety out of each hundred to whom he had presented these copies expressed themselves in favor of the passage of the bill.
Then followed the most remarkable thing about the hearing. The committee unanimously asked that Mr. Post or Mr. Croasdale should give them a clear statement of the Single Tax. They knew that it was not involved in this bill, but they said they would like to understand precisely what was meant by the phrase. Mr. Post took the floor again and made a brief and lucid explanation of the Single Tax and the theory on which it is based, and the committeemen plied him with questions for nearly half an hour longer. The delegation then withdrew. The committee went into secret session for about an hour, at the end of which time, by a vote of five to four, they ordered the bill to be favorably reported to the House.
its defeat in the Maine lower House on March 11th, the Ballot Reform
bill is now awaiting the signature of the Governor. After its defeat in
the Assembly the bill was introduced in the Senate, and was carried by
a vote of twenty-one to ten. Then it went to the House and was carried
by seventy-six to sixty. The new election bill is closely modeled on
the Massachusetts law, which is the Australian system pure and simple.
The only difference in the Maine law is, that instead of putting the
names of all candidates in alphabetical order under the title of the
office for which they are running, with their politics indicated, they
are arranged in party groups, so that the voter can, if he chooses,
vote for an entire group by placing a cross opposite the party name.
This is the method provided for in the Indiana and Maryland laws.
Certain amendments to the New York new election law offered by Senator Saxton in the Albany Legislature have been approved by the Senate. Tlie amendments in brief are: The certificates of municipal nominations are to he filed with the city clerks, not the county clerks; the number of signers for independent nominations was increased from 1,000 to 3,000 for State officers; 100 to 250 in the Assembly districts, and from 250 to 500 in the county or Senate districts; that the blank ballot be abolished; that the number of ballots for each fifty voters be reduced from 200 to 100; that election districts shall contain not over 400, instead of 900 voters, and shall be divided before August 1; that the ballot clerks shall not write initials on ballots; that voters need not stay three minutes in the booths; that when ballots seem to have been marked for identification they shall be preserved, so that their validity may be examined; that no mark shall be put on paster ballots; that independent nominations shall not be placed on party ballots. There will be added to the bill a general provision for voting on constitutional amendments.
One day last week the legislative committee room of the Pennsylvania Legislature was turned into such a polling place as will be seen if the Baker reform bill should become a law. The members of the executive and legislative departments of the State government were registered as the voters of one election precinct, and 205 of them voted during the specified time, from 31/2 until 8 o'clock P. M. The election officers were the members of the Ballot Reform Association of Pennsylvania. The counting of the vote was done in two hours and ten minutes, though there were eleven offices to be filled and thirty-four candidates standing for them. One Senator took the mock oath that he could neither read nor write, and the process through which he must pass was exemplified. The Speaker of the House stated that he was "blind and paralysed," and the method was shown by which that class of voters must proceed. A member who tried to vote on another member's name was challenged, and the legal steps taken to prevent his voting. It was shown how a ballot could be made defective, and how it could be exchanged for a good one. The test was pronounced a success.
The New Hampshire Legislature is again considering the Australian ballot law, with the probability, so the Boston Globe says, that it will be adopted.
Illinois is likely to be the next State to adopt a ballot reform law. A measure on the lines of the Massachusetts law has been introduced in the lower house of the Legislature. The leaders of all the parties are said to fear it, and an emergency clause will be added in order that the bill may go into effect immediately, and thus apply to the judicial elections which occur in June.
Within the past year there has come to the front in Maine a political organization and issue which bids fair to do much for the Single Tax movement in that State. The active spirit of the so-called "tax reform movement" there is Mr. L. D. Bennett, a lawyer and farmer, now living at Deering, one of the founders of the State Grange, the farmers' organization, and the Farmers' Protective Union; the latter organization, in fact, was formed as a direct result of his efforts to arouse the farmers on the subject of taxation. The following extract from the publications of the Union will show its object:
Believing that agriculture is the foundation of the State and Nation's wealth, and that the prosperity and happiness of the people, not only those who are directly engaged in tilling the soil, but every citizen of our country, are affected thereby; and
Whereas, We the farmers of Maine here assembled, believe that the present depression in agriculture, the abandonment of so many New England farms, and so many of our young men leaving the paternal acres, the home of their boyhood, to seek other and more lucrative employment, is in large measure due to the unequal and unjust taxation to which the farmers are compelled to submit, by our present laws, which excess will amount to more than half a million dollars annually; therefore
Resolved, That we will give our influence, and earnestly support any legislative measure for the equalization of taxation, until such a measure shall become a statute law.
Dennett claims that there are $70,000,000 of property in Maine timber
lands and railroads which now pay less than $150,000 into the treasury
of the State, which ought to pay, and would pay, if fairly taxed at the
rate of even 11/2, per cent. (which, he says, is
less than the average,) $1,000,000 per annum. The timber lands in the
unorganized townships of Maine comprise an area larger than the whole
of Massachusetts and Connecticut combined. They pay less than $30,000 a
year into the State treasury, being assessed at a valuation of only $1
an acre, and, of course, being in unorganized townships, they have no
local taxes to pay. They should be assessed at fully $6 an acre, say
the tax reformers, and in lieu of the heavy local taxes which all
property in organized townships pay, the State tax on these "wild
lands" should be raised from 1/4 of 1 per cent. to 11/2
per cent. The movement, then, rests on the distinct purpose to assess
speculative holdings so as to relieve industry, both agricultural and
urban, from the burdens now resting on it.
As for the railroads, Mr. Dennett thinks they should pay in a fair assessment of the actual value of their tangible property, their real estate, rolling stock, etc., but the and the tax reformers oppose any attempt to tax shares of stock or mortgage bonds; and they oppose the taxing of mortgages on real estate, which they say only increases the interest the farmer has to pay, advocating instead the taxation of mortgagee and owner as joint tenants.
The formation of a farmers' organization for the distinct purpose of tax reform is of itself an important movement; but that it should be devoting itself to securing a fair assessment of wild speculative holdings, and instead of directing wild and useless efforts to reach and tax personal property, should begin to exempt bonds, stocks and mortgages, thus going far towards narrowing the basis of taxation down to real estate, is most significant and must lead to a wide discussion of the Single Tax.
bill passed the Albany Legislature last Wednesday to tax all
inheritances above $5,000. In the debate on the bill the whole question
of personal property taxation came up; and among other statements made,
was one by Senator Fassett, that Commissioner Coleman had testified
that it was impossible to find more than 10 per cent, of the personal
property in New York City when the time came to value it for taxation.
The estimated value of the personal property in New York city was
$16,000,000,000: yet last year the Commissioner had only been able to
find $1,980,000,000 of it, and only $280,000,000 paid taxes; all the
other was sworn off. Of this amount the banks, which are so much
despised by our farmers, and estates paid 90 per cent. Senator Fassett
had come to the conclusion that not 5 per cent, of the personal
property in this State was reached by taxation, and it could not be
The first personal property tax bill to come before the Legislature - presented by O. F. Lane, of Otsego - was ruthlessly slaughtered last Thursday by striking out the enacting clause. The discussion brought out the fact that our public men are all of a sudden much interested in the farmer; but they do not seem to be agreed as to what it is he wants. Mr. Lane claimed that the farmers of his section wanted this bill, while Mr. Woodbury, of Chautauqua said that the farmers of his section vere unanimous in their denunciation of it. The other representatives of farmer districts were divided, also, in their ideas of what their constituents wanted.
The Manhattan Single Tax Club has printed, in a twenty-page pamphlet, the address delivered before it by Julien T. Davies on January 22d. Copies of the pamphlet will be sent to all the members of the Union League Club, of which Mr. Davies is a prominent member, and a copy has been mailed to each of the members of the Legislature.
The Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, Republican, and the Cleveland Plain Dealer, Democratic, are talking on the same side on the question of the taxation of personal property. They both want the tax abolished - the Gazette on the ground that it will continue to drive capital from Cincinnati; and the Plain Dealer because it is "defective, unequal in its operation, and injurious to the most important interests." Both papers want a commission appointed to make a thorough investigation of the whole subject; and as they are among the leaders in their parties, their wishes will probably berespectfully considered.
entailing of estates in England ceased a good many years ago, and
presumaby people have had the privilege of buying and selling all
unentailed land there just as they would buy and sell other property.
As a matter of fact, however, the land might almost all be entailed,
for the expenses of transfer are so great as to make it almost
impossible for a poor man to acquire possession of a piece of land. In
Northhamptonshire, for instance, a small piece of land recently changed
hands at a purchase price of $50. The expense of the transfer
included tamp on conveyance, putting plan on deed, plan, valuing,
law costs, negotiating purchase and expenses of conveyance, and
amounted in all to $190, almost four times the value of the land. Of
course, these expenses are added to the full value of the land, for a
landlord will not part with his land unless he nets the full value; the
purchaser pays all expenses.
In this country the expenses of land transfer are by no means so heavy as in England, but they form one of the chief sources of revenue for a vast army of lawyers, and several great estate guarantee companies, for each purchaser finds it necessary, in order to be sure of his title, to have the whole claim examined from the original Dutch, English or Indian grants down.
In Sweden the expenses of transfer are light; a contract of purchase is generally drawn up, and a letter of purchase which corresponds to our deed. The purchaser then exhibits what documents he receives from the seller, and after examination, if found correct, he receives a "certificate of legalization."
stamp tax is levied, amounting to six-tenths of 1 percent, on the price
paid for the property, and for the extract of the minutes a charge is
made varying from $5 to $10. These costs are paid by buyer and seller
alike, each paying one-half, unless otherwise provided in the contract
What is needed both in Europe and this country is what is known as the Torrens listing system, whereby land, once listed on the official books, can be transferred by simply registering the change in the name of the holder. This is the system already adopted in Australia. There is no searching of title necessary after the property is once registered, for no land is lifted until the title of the holder is found to be perfect; and after it is once listed all that is necessary is to see that there are no registered liens or mortgages. By this means expenses of transfer are reduced to almost nothing.
Commenting on the debate on land taxation in the House of Commons, Michael Davitt's paper, the Labor World, after showing how the landlord parliament of England had reduced the land tax which formerly constituted the bulk of revenues of the English Government, to a merely nominal proportion of the total amount raised by taxation, says:
total rent-revenue derived by landlordism from the land each year,
including ground rents and royalties, is difficult if not impossible,
to ascertain accurately. But it is generally computed at land -
£200,000,000 to £250,000,000. This vast sum is not the result of from
lord energy, intelligence, or outlay. It is the earning, the creation
of the industrial community. If every landlord in Great Briton
emigrated to the antipodes and remained there for ever, the economic
value of the land would go on producing the wealth which the landed
aristocracy is now appropriating as its property. The influence which
they, as a class, exercise upon the production of this wealth is about
equal to that which they exercise upon the growth of the bodies of the
human units of our population. The labor of the masses, the social
necessities of the community, the daily wants of the people and the
general progress of the arts and sciences as applied to the organism of
society, are alone responsible for the wealth which, in the name of
rent, a small and a useless class are taking year by year from the
Instead of five millions, the entire taxation, local and general, should be levied upon land values. These are the product of the combined energies of the whole population. They are, therefore, the one legitimate subject for national revenue. They grow from the inalienable patrimony of the State. Every citizen contributes to their development. No man's house, or food, or clothing, or earnings would suffer from the appropriation of land values for fiscal purposes. On the contrary, every tax now levied upon the necessaries of life could be abolished if the land of the country was again made the source from whence the State should derive the means with which to carry on the duties of Government. It would be an act of restitution, and not of revolution. The people would be only taking that which they, and they alone, create, and the nation would only be enjoying again the right of which it was deprived by a privileged class in making the "economic earning" of the soil defray the cost of administering the affairs of the commonweal. To the cry of "confiscation," which the demand would call forth from landlords, thn people can answer "restoration." The "confiscation" has been the work of the landlords. To levy taxes for the needs of the State is legal and constitutional. Land reformers, who demand the land for the people, seek only a constitutional reform by legal means.
Some time ago a resolution was introduced in the Missouri House of Representatives providing for the display of the American flag on every schoolhouse and public building in the State. This resolution was referred from one committee to another, and it was not until the closing session of the House that a report was made on it. The report returned the resolution to the House and recommended the adoption in its place of the following, which was agreed to:
Whereas, The people of Missouri recognize as most appropriate at the present time for the American flag to be displayed at the masthead of a merchant marine, traversing the high seas and infesting every port of the world, instead of drooping drowsily over the schoolhouses, courthouses, jails, penitentiaries, and lunate asylums of Missouri; and
Whereas, In the days when Amer'ca had the supremacy of the carrying trade of the world, free trade and sailors rights were an axiom in politics and the rallying cry of the Democracy; and
Whereas, This iniquitous robbery, thieving, damnable protective tariff system has destroyed our foreign trade, and as our flag is never seen in other lands except in dime museums, circuses or "wild West shows," therefore be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Missouri as follows:
Section 1. That we favor a reduction of the tariff taxes, recognizing Free Trade as the standard of right and justice to all, and to admit of its infringement only to the extent of allowing a tariff for revenue only for governmental expenses honestly and economically administered, placing duties on the luxuries of life and putting the necessaries on the free list.
Friday of last week there was a transfer of a plot of land on the upper
part of Manhattan Island known as Washington Heights. The land lies
between Tenth avenue, which runs along the edge of the bluff on the
east, and Kingsbridge Road on the west, and One Hundred and
Eighty-second street and One Hundred and Seventy-seventh street on the
north and south. It comprises about 18 full blocks or 400 city lots.
The price paid for this plot was $1,000,000. The purchasers are a
syndicate of New Yorkers who propose to place the property on the
market in small plots. The sellers were Vice-President Levi P. Morton
and his partner, George Bliss.
This property was known as the General Butterfield farm and was purchased by Morton and Bliss in the latter part of 1885, just five and one-half years ago for $450,000. Since that time the improvement of the cable road on Tenth avenue, the building of the Washington Bridge across the Harlem and the laying out of One Hundred and Eighty-second street has brought the land into the market. And the result has been an accretion in value in the five and one-half years of just $550,000, or $100,000 per year. This increase on an investment of $450,000 represents a profit of over 32 per cent. per annum. If we estimate the average rate of profit, in business investments over and above all expenses, insurance and wages of superintendence at as high as 7 percent, we see that it has paid Messrs. Morton and Bliss just three times as well to speculate on the prime necessity of life and withhold from use the source of all production - land, as to invest their money in productive enterprise, employ labor and build up the community.
Judge Seymour D. Thompson, in an address before the New York State Bar Association, delivered January 28, 1891, alluded to thevpolicy that has destroyed the American commercial marine, as follows:
What causes have produced these marvelous changes? (in the condition of the American States). The natural energy of our race, their habit of combining and acting together, with mutual confidence and mutual forbearance, conjoined with great opportunities: but chiefly that buoyant activity which springs from freedom. Our industries have grown wherever they have been unfettered; they have grown in some cases - such have been our energy and resources - where they have been more or less hampered; in others, where they have been fettered they have perished. Of the last a striking example is our merchant marine. It reached the height of its power and splendor in the year 1836. At that time our flag was seen in every port, our sails whitened every sea: our Baltimore clippers surpassed all other sailing vessels in beauty and speed. The supposed necessity for developing, by artificial means, our manufacturing industries on land, made it impossible to build ships in our dock yards as cheaply as they could be built abroad, and our navigation laws prohibited our ship owners from flying our flag or having an American register upon foreign built bottoms. Their system, as I must take leave to say, has been the devil-fish that has dragged to the bottom of the ocean one by one our merchant ships, so that our flag is now not seen once a year, even in the great port ot Amsterdam. The system which destroyed our shipping at sea has operated to crowd our cities with a population of such a character that the government of our municipalities remains to-day the unsolved problem of our civilization. What was, under the system of Henry Clay, an infant to be nursed, has grown to be a monster to destroy. In the midst of general prosperity we are confronted with the problem of defending the rights of scattered individuals against the power of aggregated money, either in the hands of corporations or of individuals; and those who put down chattel slavery amid the thunder of cannon see themselves and their children threatened with other forms of slavery, scarcely less cruel and unrelenting from the fact that they are disguised under the images of law, of freedom and of justice. Shall we, who struck down that form of slavery, yield to this?
Who struck the lion down - shall we
Pay the wolf homage?"
The Detroit Tribune had, in a recent issue, a remark to the effect that "The Democratic scheme to tax the northern Michigan mines out of existence won't win." Commenting on this the Detroit News says:
The Democratic nor any other party could "tax the northern Michigan mines out of existence," if it had the most intense desire to do so. The mines were in northern Michigan before there were any Democrats, and they will be there when all the Democrats are dead and forgotten.
But while the Democrats could, by bad legislation, shut up our mines, they could also, by good legislation, compel their working to their utmost capacity, giving labor employment, reducing the price of the raw material, through increased production, and enabling every manufacturing concern using iron and copper to increase the sales. The Democrats could do all this by changing our present tax law from a specific tax on the product of the mine to a direct tax on the value of the mine, independent of all improvements. Our present tax law dealing with mining property makes it advantageous to work as few mines as possible. Consequently there are many thousands of acres of mining lands in Michigan, containing millions of dollars' worth of ore, paying practically no tax at all.
A local assembly of the Knights of Labor in Boston has passed a set of resolutions which demand:
That a bill be drafted by the State Legislature providing that the State government seize, under the rights of eminent domain, all vacant lands held for speculative purposes, adjacent to all steam or electric surface and elevated railroads, at present erected or to be erected: that such lands be cut up into house lots and deeded to, at a sum not to exceed $200 per lot, workingnien, under a mortgage by the State; that 21/2 per cent be charged as interest; that the land be appraised by a State appraiser; that each holder of a deed be advanced enough money to build a house of reasonable dimensions thereon; that when the sum advanced by the State be refunded a clear conveyance of the title should be made to the holder of the title.
The Detroit Evening Journal thinks that people will laugh at this proposition, and that perhaps that is the best way to treat it. Nevertheless it goes on to say:
To the thoughtful mind there is something suggestive in this resolution by the Boston knights. Why is it that in this young country, with its natural resources hardly touched, wages are so low that men find it hard to get homes of their own? Is it because our land is taken up in advance of actual need? The speculator always goes ahead of enterprise, and the land takes on not only a fair rental value, but it takes on prospective value, and every increase an productive power simply gives the landowner a chance to shove up the price of his land. Wages, therefore, do not rise materially: for the value of the land tends to increase faster than the production of wealth, and the landowner gets what ought to go to labor as wages, Horace Greeley saw all this more or less clearly forty or fifty years ago, and he advocated a law limiting the area of land which one man might own. It would have been well had his warning been heeded; for even now workingmen are looking greedily at the land which belongs to those who don't work. The Astors, drawing $23,000 daily as ground rents, brush by the man who works for $2 per day and who can't save enough to buy a foot of ground. The few owners of the land of New York City receive $100,000,000 annually for its use, or, at least, that is about the rental value, while only 4 per cent of the inhabitants live in houses of their own. Such a state of affairs cannot but lead to propositions of confiscation.
No. 210 is John Waterous, of Massachusetts.
At the annual election of officers of Boston Typographical Union last Wednesday, Arthur G. Davis of the Globe composing room was one of the four delegates chosen to attend the session of the International Typographical Union in Boston next June. He is a Single Taxer and will be chairman of the Boston delegation, he having received the highest number of votes cast for delegates. P. J. Mansfield, another of the delegates, claims that he is not opposed to Single Tax principles. Augustine C. McCraith, one of the best known and thorough going Single Taxers in typographical circles, was elected president of Boston union by a small majority. The contest for the presidency was a close fight, the supporters of Mr. McCraith's opponent claiming in the canvass that "Gus" was a radical, "but he got there just the same."
"Why don't you feed that dog?" was asked of an old negro.
"Why doan I feed him?"
"Yes; why don't you feed him?"
"Why doan I feed myse'f? I'se as hungry as de dog is, an' 'sides dat, he's got the vantage of me. He ken go out an' pick up a piece of meat an' go 'bout his business, an' de white folks doan say nothin', but if I picks up suthin' ter eat dey wants to slap me in jail, sah. A niggah ain't got the chance of a dog, nohow.
Mrs. Frances M. Milne in San Francisco Star.
Only, when I first realized the squalid misery of a great city, it appalled and tormented me, and would not let me rest, for thinking ot what caused it and how it could be cured. -Progress and Poverty.
I dreamed of a city proud -
A great and splendid marl;
And, methought, from the shifting crowd,
I stood and mused apart.
Back and forth, as the flow
And ebb of the restless sea,
The tide of humanity so
Ebbed and flowed around me.
Then suddenly I was 'ware.
Of an angel's presence near,
And I knew he had message to bear
To all who had ears to hear.
But some were swift to deride:
"What will this babbler say?"
And haughtily others cried,
"To-morrow shall be as to-day!"
The revel of wealth rolled by
Thro' a royal thoroughfare,
And drowned, as it swept the cry
That rose from a great despair.
For (marvel strange and dread!)
Keeping step with the dance and song,
Unheeded as are the dead,
Marched a mighty, terrible throng:
Manhood, with branded cheek
And sunken eye of despair;
Youth, with no hope to seek,
And woman, with bosom bare;
Lost souls of a nether world -
Forever of earth denied.
Misery's menace they hurled
At the heaven of joy and pride.
To the future they marched abreast:
Splendor of pomp and power -
Ranks of the dispossessed -
One is the judgment hour.
But pure was the angel's gaze,
Undazzlcd by the gleam of gold,
And deep thro' his spirit's maze,
The doom of the future told.
In his pain he cried aloud,
For swift came the day of fear;
Or ever the heavens were bowed.
Might they but turn to hear?
And still in my dream I wait,
While the dreadful throng goes by,
And tremble to question Fate:
What of the angel's cry?
42 UNIVERSITY PLACE, New York, March 31, 1891.
"workers" attention is called to the letter from Mr. Wingardner in last
week's STANDARD setting forth the plan of retaining a certain number of
signed petitions to show to those from whom he solicits signatures. The
plan is most excellent, for Brown will be much more likely to sign if
he sees that Smith has done so. Suppose you try it!
The National Committee is circulating a petition asking the United States House of Representatives to appoint a special committee to make inquiry into and report upon the expediency of raising all public revenues by a Single Tax upon the value of land, Irrespective of improvements, to the exclusion of all other taxes, whether in the form of tariffs upon imports, taxes upon internal productions, or otherwise. It will send blank petitions on application to any address, and Single Tax men are urged to obtain petitions and solicit signatures as a most convenient and effective way of starting the discussion of our principles.
It has also taken up the newspaper work of the Memphis committee, and is now engaged in circularizing newspapers in every State, calling their attention to the wide-spread interest now shown in the subject of the Single Tax, and urging that they call on the press companies supplying their ready prints and plates for Single Tax matter.
Subscriptions toward expenses of this committee's work remain as reported last week, viz.: $1,581.20.
|Contribution list is increased by cash from Fred Heinkel, Tampa, Fla||$50.|
|Cash contributions previously acknowledged
|The enrollment now stands as follows:|
|Reported last week||102,221
|Signatures received since last report||420|
For news budget, see roll of States.
GEO. ST. JOHN LEAVENS, Secretary.
ST. LOUIS, MO., March 39. - Lee Meriwether, the recently deposed Labor Commissioner of this State, is an ardent Single Taxer. He was removed from the office he had labored so industriously to build up by that arrant demagogue, Governor David R. Francis, for his own purposes and at the instigation of powerful corporations. Meriwether did his duty. Instead of merely drawing his salary with one hand and holding out the other for a tribute from those he could have shielded if he had been built that way, he ferreted out manifold abuses of monopolistic power and exposed them to the public, and when the Legislature convened had bills drawn to extirpate or mitigate the giant wrongs perpetrated on a helpless and benighted laboring people.
In the mining and lumber regions of the State the corporations paid their employees in checks and redeemed them at their own stores at their own prices. In other words, the pay check system and "pluck-me-store" business was carried on in the most outrageous and obnoxious form. Meriwether disturbed the even flow of events in these slave camps by appearing in their midst at varying periods disguised as a workman, and taking notes and evidence in secret and laying them before a sympathetic public. This naturally brought down upon him the wrath of those who owned and controlled the mines and lumber forests. Many other corporations of different character were exposed for exceptional abuse of power over their employees, and, altogether, his activity and resource was destined to create a lively public opinion that would have, sooner or later, led to measures of relief that would very materially weaken the power of the oppressors.
It is one thing to get laws and another to
have them enforced. We find labor organizations all over the land
clamoring for laws, laws, nothing but laws; and when the laws are
passed the offices created to carry them out are filled with hack
politicians and wireworkers, and the laboring man still grinds his nose
on the corporation grind-stone, because there is no one to see that the
laws are enforced. Meriwether took the laws of Missouri, that lay
mouldy with age, and accomplished more in six months than all the laws
that have been put on the statute books of Indiana ever accomplished
for the laboring people, and he was reaching out all the time for
specific statutes touching special phases of corporate abuse. His bill
to abolish the pay-check and "pluck-me-store" system and enforce the
"weekly payment of wages in lawful money of the United States," had
passed the lower House by a vote of 107 to 19, the farmers, who are
very numerous in the popular branch of the Assembly, generally voting
for it, and was pending in the Senate at the time of his removal by the
Governor. It was after this bill passed the House that the corporation
magnates became alarmed, and, acting in concert, sent a strong lobby to
Jefferson City to defeat such legislation. These lobbyists appeared
before the committee of the Senate, to argue the bills to death, with
absolutely no one to interpose an objection, except Lee Meriwether. He
was, however, a match for them, and would no doubt have secured the
enactment of the laws he wanted, or compelled the Governor to veto
them. The Governor was in a predicament. He had two or three irons
heating at once and Meriwether wasn't the kind of a "helper" that he
wanted, when the time for pounding should arrive. Report says that the
Governor was very willing to placate the corporations by removing
Meriwether. But corporations don't cast the vote of the State, as they
used to, since the Australian election law went into effect, and David
could not afford to offend the working men thus openly, because one of
his irons is labeled U. S. Senator. On the other hand, it is stated
that he and U. S. Hall, President of the Farmers' and Laborers' Union
of Missouri, had negotiated a sort of a reciprocal treaty, whereby they
were to assist each other in manipulating parties for mutual gain, the
one to succeed Senator Francis Cockerell and the other to become
Governor of Missouri. It was desirable that a man close to Hall should
have control of the Labor Bureau. The Governor, therefore, desirous of
placating the corporations of the State and at the same time securing
the assistance of the President of the F. and L. U., concluded to
appoint Hull's brother to succeed Meriwether. But some other pretext,
beside political motives must be hit upon, and so all at once
slanderous stories began to appear in the daily papers, together with
the information that the Governor had sent for Meriwether and after a
conference had determined to remove him and appoint Hall in his place.
Hall was a deputy under Meriwether. The basis of the slanderous stories
was simply that Meriwether had separated from his wife. This was the
fact that was taken advantage of to depose and confound him, without
danger (politically) to the huckstering politicians.
As soon as Meriwether was deposed, the bill before mentioned, after being amended to harmlessness, was defeated, and auother bill substituted that actually legalizes the check system and "pluck-me-stores." The lobby had everything its own way. The St. Louis Republic protested and whimpered and stewed, but at no time said very much, and at all times defended the principleless schemer and demagogue politician, Francis. Two Senators stood on the floor and attacked the Republic vigorously, both of them notorious corporation agents and attorneys. The Republic did not return the fire, but meekly subsided, after a splutter and a splash. If the laboring men of Missouri let this bold and unscrupulous affront go by without administering a sound political chastisement to those responsible for it, they are undeserving of a loyal and honest representative, and what is worse, they will have much difficulty to find one, too, because such ungrateful forgetfulness only adds incentive to one's looking after No. 1, and letting the devil take the hindmost.
ST. LOUIS, MO.,
March 30. - The removal of Lee Meriwether, Commissioner of Labor, from
office, has provoked general indignation throughout the State. The
facts in the case, without going into details, are these: Mr.
Meriwether (who, by the way, was a delegate to the National Single Tax
Conference, and is one of our ablest men), relinquished a large salary
to take the smaller one of Commissioner of Labor, feeling that here was
a grand opportunity to champion the rights of the down-trodden. Not as
an enthusiast but as an impartial, conscientious officer of the law, he
investigated the condition of labor throughout the State, finding it
especially deplorable in the mining and lumber regions, where not only
the moral law but the State law was openly defied by certain
corporations. These facts were reported in the daily papers and
appeared in detail in the Commissioner's annual report. Mr. Meriwether
also, in order to make the result of his investigation of practical
benefit to the people, drew up and had introduced into the Legislature
several bills which, if passed, would have effectually prevented
continuation of the abuses complained of. For this Mr. Meriwether has
been removed. Single-handed, as the people's representative, he was
smothered, but not extinguished, by the corporations' representative,
the all powerful lobby.
But protests have poured in from all parts of the State from labor unions, from the Farmers' Alliance and from meetings of citizens, such as was held here Sunday afternoon, March 15. Upon this occasion Mr. Meriwether was present in person, and after an eloquent address by him, Mr. W. W. Rose offered resolutions endorsing the weekly payment bill as originally drafted by Mr. Meriwether, and denouncing the action of the men who changed the bill so as to destroy all its good effects. The resolutions were unanimously adopted.
Five short addresses followed, all made by active members of our Single Tax Club, among them Representative Julian. We are all Democrats, and as such we protest against the growing power of monopoly in State as well as Nation.
ST. LOUIS, MO., March 24. - The Missouri Legislature yesterday passed a bill exempting from city taxation all lots of land containing forty acres or more within city limits. Here in St. Louis are many such.
The four Single Tax men in the Missouri Legislature will please explain.
R. G. Brown, Memphis, Tenn. - The newspaper articles in the Alliance press on the Single Tax have not yet lost their disturbing power. S. I. Davis, in the Journal of Agriculture of March 19th, turns loose his yawp as follows:
To extirpate poverty, to make wages what justice commands they should be, the full earnings of the laborer, we must, therefore, substitute for the individual ownership of land a common ownership. Nothing else will go to the cause of the evil - in nothing else is there the slightest hope. This, then, is the remedy for the unjust and unequal distribution of wealth apparent in civilization, and for all the evils wnich flow from it; we must make land common property. An equal divide is the remedy. Farmers, are you willing to take your city brothers in and make an equal divide?
You have put your surplus earnings in land, they in whiskey; you have a home, they a red nose. Are you ready to divide? If not, why not? Yield up your homes and let all start even. Have we not proven positively by Henry George himself, that his Single Tax plan is to destroy individual property in land, and place the title in the Government? This done, he and his followers want an equal divide. Proof: "Progress and Poverty," pages 290 and 291....
How are you, Single Tax idea, and how do you do, Henry George? Won't you be a happy set when your Single Tax on land gives you an equal divide, in lots to [unreadable]? Then you honest, industrious fellows will tat a home for a short time at any rate. Let us give the golden chain of fraternity another rub.
Perry County, Ill.
S. I. DAVIS.
Now, really, Brother Davis should not be so hard on us! One of
the war cries of the farmer is, that the city men own all the wealth,
and the tax assessments show all over the country that the value of
city property is greater than country property: so that the farmers
would gain by "an equal divide." As to the "red nose," not knowing the
complexion of brother Davis's nose, I cannot say whether he would be
improved by a dash of carmine or not. I judge, however, that be must be
"red headed" enough to light up all his "deastrick." All his brethren
are not so blind, I am happy to say, as the following letter shows:
INAVALE, Neb., March 18,1891.
R. G. Brown, Memphis Tenn. - DEAR SIR: Happening to see a communication in an agricultural journal on the Single Tax theory, and reading it to my Alliance, they requested me to write to you for phamphlets that would more fully explain the natter.
Yours truly, O. R. PITNEY.
Another "farmer's journal," the Southern Merchant and Farmer, with a ''circulation, March 14, of 25,763, and an actual number of readers of 100,000" as stated upon its letter head of that date, has undertaken to present to its readers the doctrines of Henry George. About March 1 the editor, E. S. Stout, one of the brightest of our young newspaper men, and one who has made his mark as a dramatic writer as well, requested me to prepare article on the Single Tax for his paper, as it has a large circulation throughout the "Delta," where the Louisville, New Orleans andTexas Railroed Company has acquired title at tax sales to some 600,000 acres of the richest farming lands in Mississippi, which cost the company fifty cents an acre, and which it is now selling for an average price of $8.21 an acre. I took advantage of this fine "object lesson" to direct the Delta's attention to tbe relations existing between taxation and vacant lands. The preparation of the article was delayed by press of private business until the forms of the Merchant and Farmer were made up for the issue of March 14, but the attitude of the editor towards the Single Tax was shown by a note I received that day.
DEAR SIR: This is in grateful recognition of the receipt of your paper "Taxation and Land Values:" I regret that it was not received earlier, as its tardiness necessitates having it unpublished until our next issue. The Merchant and Farmer contains an announcement this issue of the coming appearance of the article. Being heartily in sympathy with the movement, you may command our columns at any time.
The rural press is the point of attack for Single Tax men at
the present time, in my opinion. The farmers are deeply in earnest in
their study of social questiouns; the meet together every month and the
articles in their weekly papers are discussed, not in a perfunctory
way, but eagerly and anxiously, as by men seeking a way out of a most
unpleasant and undesirable condition. If an article succeeds in
awakening the interest of only one man to every dozen counties, the
effort and time given to its preparation are not thrown away; that one
man may become a Colonel Humphreys, and lead his whole Alliance to
endorse the Single Tax, or he may be one of those pestilent fellows,
the like of we have so many of in our ranks, who never can be convinced
that he must keep his mouth shut and refrain from discussing social
sins, simply because they are hoary with age and sanctioned by custom,
"whereof the memory of man runneth not to the contrary." From
conversations I have had with many influential men among the farmers, I
know that our doctrines are spreading in the country, and that now
is the time to press on with the work in the rural districts. The
cities will take care of themselves - we can always depend upon our
landlords to make themselves sufficiently
obnoxious to keep before city men's eyes the iniquity of private
ownership of land. Just now Memphis is suffering from an extra nauseous
dose, and the Astors of this neck of the woods are catching it hot and
heavy. The streets of this city are villainous, and a strong effort was
made this Winter to get tbe Legislature to pass a bill authorizing
Memphis to borrow $1,000,000 for paving purposes. This was opposed by
the Overton family, tbe various branches of which own a large amount of
Memphis dirt. The Overtons came from Nashville, and the Nashville
branch backed up the Memphis branch in their opposition to the bill
which, to all appearance is dead, very dead, at the present writing.
This has stirred up the wrath of some of our citizens, and indignant
letters about "barons" and "the family," and "home rule," appear every
day in tbe papers. I intend to take a hand in the shindig, and champion
the right of "the family" to make all the profit out of Memphis dirt
that our sapient law-givers and enlightened tax-assessors permit.
Perhaps, during the discussion, some people any bear something drop.
D. R. Francis, Jefferson City. Mo., recently wrote, congratulating the
Merchants' Bridge Co., of St. Louis, on the opening of their new bridge
across tbe Mississippi, saying that it "will enhance the value of every
foot of realty within the limits of St. Louis." We should ask the
Governor if it would not tend to increase the prosperity of St. Louis
if the personal property and improvements within her limits were
exempted from taxation and taxes transferred to the values which attach
to land by reason of the growth of populaion and public improvements.
We should at once write to the following Assemblymen of New York State, urging them to support tbe Stien bill for local option in taxation. Address them all at Albany, N. Y. The farther from Albany we are the more effective our letters are likely to be, as an Assemblyman is flattered to see that the people of many States are Interested in his actions. The following are all Democrats and hence should favor Home Rule. Names of remaining Democrats will be given next week: Hon. Edward Hawkins, John C. Jacobs, Patrick H. McCarren, Wm. L. Brown, J. F. Ahearn, G. F. ¿Roesch?, Charles A. Stadter, J. A. Cantor, E. S. Ives, J. J. Luison, M. F. Collins, Norton Chase, Donald McNaughton, M. J. Nolan, G. R. Hitt, J. T. Gorman, R. P. Bush, Henry Davie, E. B. Osborne, W. F. Sheehan, M. Endres, H. H. Guentler, F. D. Smith, O. V. Sage, J. J. Cahill, B. J. McBride, John Cooney, J. J. O'Connor, John Kelly, W. E. Shields and Adam Schaaf. This bill will pass the present Legislature if we work for it as we should. With our cities once free to tax or exempt what property they please, we will have an easy task to insure the full adoption of our programme in some city.
Board of Managers of the Manhattan Single Tax Club, at its meeting held
last Friday evening, appointed Messrs. Doblln and Post a committee to
prepare a circular letter in anticipation of the adoption of the new
amendments to the constitution at the coming meeting, to be sent to
sympathizers with Free Trade, Inviting them to become "associate
members"of this club. The agitation committee reported what had been
done by the committee sent to Albany to argue before the Taxation
Committee of the Assembly in favor of the Stein bill [see full report
elsewhere]; also, that 2,500 copies of Julien T. Davies' lecture on
"The Abolition of the Taxation of Personal Property" had been printed
and would be circulated where they would do the most good. The regular
monthly meeting of the club will be held this (Wednesday) evening, it
having been called a day ahead on account of the Free Trade men
meeting, which is to be held at Cooper Union to-morrow evening. The
arrangements are completed, except that a considerable number of
volunteers are wanted to act as ushers and collectors.
The club business meeting will be more than usually important, for the final vote on the adoption of the amendments to the constitution will be taken. These amendments are to admit women to membership in the club, and to create a new class of members - "associates" - who are tending our way, but who are not yet prepared to accept tbe Single Tax. Both amendments are expected to pass, practically, unanimously.
In the absence of any announced lecturer last Sunday evening, Jerome O'Neill read "The Missing Link," a pamphlet on the social problem, written by F. P. Williams some ten years ago. An interesting discussion followed. On next Sunday evening Father Huntington will deliver the lecture.
Fred C. Keller - At the next meeting af the Metropolitan Single Tax Association, Saturday, April 4, 8 P. M., Mr. F. C. Keller will speak on "Taxation."
G. W. Thompson. - An important feature of last Wednesday night's meeting of the Brooklyn Single Tax Club, was the reading by Miss Eva J. Turner, president of the Woman's Single Tax Club, of a paper showing the work done by the Club over which she presides.
On Wednesday evening next Mr. E. A. St. John, the famous all-round heavy-weight protectionist will favor us with a defense of "The McKinley Bill." When the lecture is over an opportunity will be given to visitors to try the muscles of their brain in overthrowing his arguments.
The Advance Labor Club, L. A. 1562, K. of L., will have a public meeting next Saturday night at their hall, corner of Court and State street, at which the Tariff question will be discussed. Mr. James Macgregor of New Jersey has been invited to advocate Free Trade and Single Tax, and Mr. E. A. Hawthorn, of the American Protectective Tariff League, for Protection to American Industries and Labor. All Single Tax men are invited to attend, a lively meeting is looked for and another Protectionist will be scalped in great style.
B. Stoddard, West New Brighton, S..I. - We are few, but we will be on
hand when the Presidential campaign opens. What but the Single Tax can
avert the bloody revolution that is sure to sweep over this country. I
hope great things for the "Primer of Political Economy," which I
believe our great leader is now at work on. If it could only be
illustrated by Bengough or Beard, or perhaps both, I believe it would
educate the masses more rapidly than all our speakers and papers have
done or can do it.
W. W. Wiles, New Brighton, S. I. - Fifteen petitions. It has been some,time since you have heard from me, but I have been doing all I can to get signers to tbe petition. Some of this lot are of those who refused to sign two months ago.
G. Seaver, Flatbush. - I have recently lit upon a case of a whole town
full of active business men, who are actually refusing to accept the
fee simple of the lands they are now occupying, in place of the ground
rents they are now paying and holding titles under, and they are
claiming "compensation" if they are compelled to make the change!
saying their regular taxes will be more than tbe ground rents! Did you
ever hear of such a case! Some people would jump at such a chance in
As it is, there are opponents of our land reform here who would claim "compensation" if the full rental value of their lands was taken for public purposes, I suppose, on the ground that "it is a poor rule that don't work both ways!"
Martin M. Coleman, New Haven. - Eight petitions. My circumstances are not just right to enable me to get very many of them. My health is not very good, and I have to keep at work every day in a great factory here, at piece work, and I hardly earn enough to give me a bare living. When I get done work in the evening I feel tired and unable to go around the city soliciting signatures to the petition. The shop I work in will shut down in a few days, and then I will have all my time on my bands for a short time.
Tom," Bryn Mawr. - Sixteen petitions. The bill entitled: "An act to
provide for the separate assessment of land values and exemption of
improvements and personal property from taxation," received a black eye
in the Legislature. It was negatively reported by the Committee on Ways
and Means, which had charge of it. Of the members of the Committee on
Ways and Means who had been asked to support the bill, the Hon. Ward R.
Bliss answered, among other things saying: "I must frankly say that I
cannot support the Single Tax bill. I have given considerable attention
to the subject, and, while I have the greatest respect for the eminent
men who have given their indorsement to that plan of taxation, I cannot
see the matter as they do." It may be true that "where Ignorance is
bliss 'tis folly to be wise," but to me it seems that before very long
even our "protected" statesmen (?) will, for the sake of being allowed
to march in and with the procession, cheerfully acknowledge: ¿"Humanum est errare I Puccevl"? [Quote barely readable]
Harold Sudell, New Castle. - Twelve petitions. I wish every single taxer would push this work - we ought to be able to flood Congress with them.
Cincinnati. - Sixteen petitions. Some of the old signers are now at
work circulating our literature. Perhaps these petitions will work
their way yet into the hands of men who can give more time to them than
P. J. Quay, Gallon. - Five petitions, secured while selling the ten cent edition of "Protection or Free Trade?"
L. Walton, Manchester. - While the protection delusion is melting into
thin air the State over, this county, Delaware, is solid for the G. O.
P. and will be among the last to understand what an enormous fooltax we
are contributing towards the creation of millionaires and paupers. With
the present forces in operations, flings at the Canaille and Lazaroni
will soon be in horrid bad taste. The farmers here mainly still take
their politics from the local press and politicians. A few of us,
however, have seen the Cat in all Its beauty and our members are slowly
augmenting - but oh how slow when measured by the impatience of an
enthusiastic Single Taxer. God speed the good work of the various
organizations who are in a blind way trying to And a solution to the
riddle of the Sphinx.
O. C. Rasch, Burlington. - Twenty-six petitions which I have obtained on my travels. One seldom flnds a Protectionist nowadays who has the courage of his convictions. They are very unwilling to defend their notions in debate, and seem to have an intuitive feeling that they have been duped by the bold, bad men of their political party.
A. P. Forsyth, Martell. - Six petitions. The Single Tax is gaining ground slowly but surely in this stronghold of Protection.
Percy Pepoon, St. Louis. - The last meeting of the Single Tax League was addressed by Rev. Dr. Matthews, of St. John's M. E. Church and was largely attended. Dr. Matthews' talk was radical and aroused much enthusiasm. The next meeting at Bowman's Hall will be addressed by Judge E. F. Fellows. Judge Fellows has volunteered to organize and direct a house to house canvass of the city for the purpose of selling and distributing the Hand to Hand Club edition of "Protection or Free Trade?" W. J. Atkinson was here last week pushing this work. H. Martin Wllliams expects to start shortly on a lecture tour through Missouri. The Discussion Club, an organisation composed of young men of all professions and occupations, which meets at the Bar Association's hall, discussed the Single Tax at the last meeting and, to the surprise of all, every member present declared himself in favor of raising all State and city revenues by taxing land values only, and in assigning members to handle the Tariff question, which is the next subject of discussion, it was discovered that but one Protectionist belonged to the club. All of which is decidedly significant, as many of these Free Traders have heretofore acted with the Republicans, and all are of good standing in business and society.
Charles 8tevenson, Omaha. - Thirty-six petitions, which will help a little towards making the second hundred thousand. The Single Tax movement is not dead in Omaha, but it seems impossible to keep up an organization.
F. M. Marquis, Grass Valley. - Nine petitions. Although isolated, it encourages me to see the marked gain the cause is making from month to month.
are beginning to come in freely from those who have received their
first copies. Whoever wants to win one of the twenty-five prize
autograph copies will have to work for it. Arrangements have been made
to fill all orders now as rapidly as they are received. Lists of
parties who need books to distribute and of those to whom books can be
profitably given are coming into us faster than subscriptions to supply
them. We need about 200,000 books to cover the farmers and other lists
that we now have. If you know of any Democrat who has any amount from
ten cents to a thousand dollars, that he is willing to use to make Free
Traders of Protectionists, don't fail to get it and send to us at once.
The Chicago and St. Louis men have agreed to start a house-to-house
Mr. Fellows, who will start the work In St. Louis, proposes placing a small advertisement in the local papers for women canvassers, selling the books to them at ten cents per copy, supplying them with Tract Extra No. 39, to leave with all who don't subscribe at ths first request, and instructing them as to where they shall go. He believes women will be better than men for this work, as they can sell at least ten copies per day at twenty-five cents each, netting them nine dollars a week, which will satisfy most women, but is hardly enough for a man. The St. Louis men will also try to see that every newsdealer in the city buys some copies and keeps them on sale. The margin is so much greater than is usual on a twenty five cent book that it is easy to get any newsdealer to buy at least ten copies. Tract No. 39 Extra is now ready and states the price of single copies at twenty-five cents, ten for one dollar, etc. These tracts will be supplied free, singly or by the thousand, and will also be mailed on request to any list of names sent us.
42 University Place, N. Y.
W. J. ATKINSON, Secretary.
Miss Ida Hibbard, Roaelle, N. J. - Enclosed find one dollar for ten copies "Protection or Free Trade?"
H. T. Wright, Lebanon, Mo. - Ten dollars and thirty cents for one hundred and three copies.
C. D. Blackball, Buffalo, N. Y. - Enclosed find ten dollars for one hundred copies. I wish these to be placed to the order of W. E. Brokaw.
F. W. Carroll, Gravelly Springs, Ala. - Enclosed cash for seven more books. I am going in for my hundred names.
John J. Ford, Sioux City, la. - Cash for forty-one books.
Timothy Keefe, Roslindale, Boston, Mass. - Enclosed one dollar and seventy cents. These are a few dimes picked up among members of a trade union I belong to. I will place the books where they will do some good.
T. E. Grasby, Sec. Farmers' Alliance, McLemoresville, Tenn. - Find sixty cents for six copies. Hope to work up order for several hundred at the next County Meeting, May 21st.
Wm. H. Foley, Random Lake, Wi*. - Send ten copies. One dollar enclosed. Will probably send you some more orders.
G. F. Stevens, Single Tax Society of Phila. - Enclosed thirty dollars for three hundred books.
J. C. Nace, Lithla, Va. - One dollar for ten books.
Chas. R. Swayze, New York. - Seven dollars for seventy books.
Benjamin Homer, Bartonville, 111. - Two fifty for twenty-five copies.
Robert Tyson, Toronto, Can. - Please send fifty copies. Cash inclosed.
John Nicholson, Winchester, Cal - I send ten dollars for one hundred books.
E. H. Jenkins, Rockland, Mass. - Enclosed find six dollars for sixty copies.
John W. Callaway, Leadville, Col. - Two dollars for twenty copies. Send me half dozen. Use the others to best advantage.
Reuben T. Landis, Robesonia, Pa. - I herewith enclose one dollar for ten copies of "Protection or Free Trade?" This is only a starter; later I will send in many more.
John L. Murphy, So. Norwalk, Conn. - Send fifty copies. Enclosed check for five dollars.
C. 8. Barlow, Barlow City, Ky. - One dollar for ten books. I hereby endorse the plan to educate the masses.
Walter S. Logan, New York. - Twenty-five dollars for two hundred and fifty copies.
J. F. Begert, Minneapolis. - Two dollars for twenty copies.
James Earnshaw, Dover, Ky. - One dollar and fifteen cents foe fifty copies. I will distribute them as sample copies.
F. W. Irwin, Secretary Chicago Single Tax Club. - Please send one hundred additional copies. Enclose ten dollars.
John H. Hatfield, St. Louis, Mo. - Cash for seven books.
Sloughson Cooley, Chicago. - Cash for thirty copies. Cannot give much time as I should like, but hope to enlist the services of several who will.
John Black, South Chicago. - People here are clamoring for them. I sold my twelve copies in as many minutes. Book is in such compact form all read it through.
Please accompany all orders with the cash. Unless this is done, in handling tens of thousands of subscriptions there is eminent danger of errors, especially as our clerical force is very small. Arrangements have now been made so that all cash orders will be shipped immediately on receipt. We prefer checks or money orders, but can use one and two cent stamps for small amounts. After April 1st single copies will be twenty-five cents, but orders for ten or more copies will be filled at ten cents each. This we are compelled to do to protect the men who are making their living by selling the books at twenty-five cents each, while they are most effectively preaching effectively the gospel of Free Trade. As ten books will be sect, if desired, to ten different addresses for one dollar, yon have only to get nine neighbors to join you, if you want the book for ten cents. Tract Extra No. 39, with price of single copies stated at twenty-five cents, subscription blanks, sample pages and press notices will be delivered free to any address, in any quantity. Don't forget that the twenty-five copies first printed will go as prizes to those sending in the largest lists of subscriptions to the 500,000.
42 University Place, New York.
W. J. ATKINSON, Secretary.
Christopher, in a South Australian Leaflet.
The Land! It is the watchword of those who hail afar
The rising of a juster world from things of wrong that are;
Yet still its coming lingers, and still we watch and wait -
And to many an heir his heritage will only come too late.
Too late to lighten the aged eyes that soon in the grave must close -
Too late for many a steadfast heart that has battled a life of woes -
Too late for the starving mother and the haggard, careworn wife -
But oh! not too late for the children that stand on the threshold of life.
The children of to-day - the men and women that are to be!
To swell the hosts of honest folks, or the hosts of infamy;
To rise on the waves of thrift and toil, or to drift on the darker tide;
To live in their lives a hell on earth, or to know the Christ who died.
It is not too late to give to them the share of the bounteous earth
That should come to the rich and poor alike with the hour that sees their birth;
It is not too late to bid them live the life that their Maker planned,
When he scattered bis blessings broadcast o'er a wide and smiling land.
Now we know full well that to him who waits the right will come at last,
And the perfect day will waken when the darkest night is passed;
The dawn is long in breaking, but the hope of our hearts is strong -
God in his mercy grant us that we need not wait too long.
McKinley - I know a sure way of settling the quarrel over the ¿sealing? privileges.
Blaine - Well?
McKinley - Raise the duty on silk plushes about 5,000 per cent.
LIST OF ORGANIZATIONS THAT HAVE ADOPTED THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES MADE BY NATIONAL CONFERENCE AT NEW YORK, SEPTEMBER 3, 1890.
[Secretaries of clubs are requested to send corrections, notices of the formation of new clubs or requests for the enrollment of existing clubs to Geo. St. John Leavens, Secretary of the National Committee, at No. 42 University Place, New York.
LITTLE ROCK - Single tax club. Every alternate Thursday evening, 717 Main st. Pres., Sol. F. Clark; sec., Theo. Hartman.
LOS ANGELES - Single tax club. Pres. Clarence A. Miller; sec, S. Byron Welcome, 523 Macy st.
OAKLAND - Oakland single tax club No. 1. Meets every Friday evening at St. Andrew's Hall, at 10561/2 Broadway. Pres. A. J. Gregg; sec. E. Hodklins.
SAN FRANCISCO - California single tax society, room 9, 341 Market street Pres. L. M. Manzer; cor. sec., Thomas Watson, 341 Market street.
DENVER - Denver single tax club. Every Thursday evening, 303 16th st, Free reading room open every day. 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Pres. G. H, Phelps; sec H. C. Kiles. 303 16th st.
SHARON - Sharon single tax committee. Chairman, J. J. Ryan
WILIMINGTON - Single tax assoctation. Meets first and third Mondays of each month at 8 p.m. Pres. Geo. W. Kreer; sec, Frank L. Reardon.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
WASHINGTON - Chas. F. Adams' ScieNtifIc Council (No. 2) of the People's Commonwealth. First Tuesday evening of each month at 150 A st n. w. Trustee, Chas. Newburgh, 64 Defrees st., sec., Dr. Wm. Geddes, 1719 G St., n.w.
ATLANTA Ga. - Atlanta single tax club No. 1., Pres., J. M. Berth; sec., J. Henley Smith, 12 W. Alabama st.
CHICAGO - Chicago single tax club. Every Thursday evening, club room 4, Grand Pacific Hotel. Pres., Warren Worth Bailey, 388 Hudson av.; sec., F. W. Irwin, 217 La Salle st., room 335
SOUTH CHICAGO - Single tax club of South Chicago and Cheltenham. John Black, sec., box 512, S. Chicago.
BRACEVILLE - Braceville single tax committee. Pres., John ¿Mainwaring?; sec, Chas. E. Matthews.
PEORIA - Peoria single tax club. Meetings Monday evenings. Pres., Jas. W. Hill, 304 Madison avenue; sec., Jas. W. Avery.
QUINCY - Gem City single tax club. Meets every Thursday evening at 7:30, room 4, second floor, n. e. cor, ¿4th? and Hamphsire sts. Pres., C. F. Perry; cor. sec.,¿Duke? Schroer, 524 York st.
INDIANAPOLIS - Single tax league, Pres., Thos. J. Hudson; sec., Chas H. Krause. Every Sunday, 2:30 p.m., ¿Manor? Hall, cor Washington and Alabama Sts., room 12.
RICHMOND - Single tax club. Pres., C. S. Schneider, ¿105? S. 3d st., sec., M. Richie, 913 South A st.
- Burlington single tax club. First Saturday of each month, 305 North
5th st. Pres., Wilbur, [last name unreadable] ¿¿0 Hedge av.; sec.
treas., Frank S. Churchill.
LOUISVILLE - Progress single tax club. Open every evening, 501 West Jefferson st., Business meetings Friday. Pres., Christ. Landolf; sec., W. W. Daniel, 303 Franklin st.
NEW ORLEANS - Louisiana single tax club. Meets
first and third Thursday night at 8. p.m. at 131 Poydras st. Pres.,
Jas. Middleton; sec., G. W. Roberts, 326 Thalia st.
AUBURN - Auburn single tax club. Public meetings every
Saturday evening. 3 River Road. Pres., A. C. Dunning; sec., W. G.
Andrews, P. O. Box 703.
- Single tax league of Maryland. Every Monday at 8. p.m., In hall, 506
East Baltimore st. Pres., Wm. J. Ogden, 5 North Carey st.; rec.
sec., J. W. ¿Manel?, 38 S. Broadway; cor. sec., Dr. Wm. N. Hill, 1428
E. Baltimore st.
Baltimore single tax society. Every Sunday afternoon, 3 p.m., at Industrial Hall, 316 W. Lombard st., Pres., Jas. T. Kelly; sec., W. H. Kelly, 522 Columbia st.
STATE - Massachusetts single tax league. Pres., William Lloyd Garrison; sec. E. H. Underhill, 45 Kirby st., Boston; treas. George Cox, Jr. 72 High st., Boston
BOSTON - Single tax league. Public meetings second and fourth
Sundays of each month, at 2:30 p.m., at G. A. R. hall, 616 Washington
st. Pres., Edwin M. White; sec. Emily T. Turner, 5 Cambridge st.
DORCHESTER - single tax club. Meetings first Tuesday of each
month at Field's building, Field's corner. Pres., Edward Frost; sec.,
John Adams, Field's building, Field's corner.
HAVERHILL - Haverhill single tax league. Meets every Thursday evening, at 73 Merrimac st. Pres., Geo. W. ¿Pattengill?; cor. sec., Edward E. Collum, 4 Green st.
¿MALDEN? - Single tax club. Pres. Geo. W. Cox; sec., Edwin T. Clark, 190 ¿Tremont? st.
NEPONNET. - Single tax league. Sec. Q. A. Lothrop, Wood st. court, Neponnet.
NEWBURYPORT. - Merrimac single tax assembly. President., Andrew R. Curtis; sec., Wm. R. Whitmore, 236 Merrimac street.
ROXBURY - Single tax club. Pres., J.R.Carrett, 39 Court st., Boston; sec, Henry C. Romaine, 969 Tremont st.
WORCHESTER - Worcester single tax club. Meetings first Thursday of month, at Reform club hall, 98 Front st. Pres., Thomas J. Hastings; sec., E. K. Page, Lake View, Worcester.
MINNEAPOLIS. - Minneapolis single tax league. Every Monday evening, at the West Hotel. Pres., C. J. Buell, 402 W. Franklin av.; sec., Oliver, T. Erlckson, 2203 Lyndale av., N.
ST. PAUL. - Single tax club. Pres., H. C. McCartey; sec., Geo. C. Madison, 339 E. 7th st. Second and fourth Tuesdays at 41 W. 4th st.
STATE. - Missouri single tax committee. Henry H. Hoffman, chairman; sec., Percy Pepoon, 3507 Easton av., St. L.
HERMANN. - Single tax committee. Pres., R. H.Hasenritter; sec., Dr. H. A. Hibbard.
KANSAS CITY. - Slngle tax club. First Sunday of the month, at 3 p.m., at Bacon Lodge Hall, 1204 and 1206 Walnut st. Pres., Charles E. Reld; sec., R. F. Young, Signal Service office.
ST. LOUIS. - St Louis single tax club. Tuesday evenings at 3071/2 Pine st., third floor; business meetings first Monday of each month. Rooms open every evening. Puplic meetings first and third Thursday of each month at Bowman's Hall, 11th and Locust sts. Pres., H. H. Hoffman; sec, J. W. Steele, 2738 Gamble st.
Benton School of Social Science. Meets every Saturday evening at 6839 Waldemar avenue. Pres., Henry S. Chase; sec., W. C. Little.
WYMORE. - Wymore single tax and tariff reform club. Meetings every Wednesday evening at Union hall. Pres., Julius Hamm; sec. and treas., H. C. Jaynes; P. O. Box 137.
CAMDEN. - Single tax club. Meets every Saturday evening at Felton hall, n. e. cor. Second and Federal sts. Pres., Aaron Hand; sec, Wm. M. Calllngham. 520 Line st.
JANVIER. - Janvier single tax and ballot reform club. Alternate Thursday evenings, Janvier Hall. Pres., W. J. rice: sec. Sydney B. Walsh.
JERSEY CITY. - Standard single tax club. Meets first and third Thursday of each month at Assembly Rooms, 642 Newark av. Pres., Jas. McGregor; sec., Joseph Dana Miller, 223 Grand st.
PLAINFIELD. - Single tax club. Pres., John L. Anderson; sec., J. H. McCullough, 7 Pond place.
NEWARK. - Single tax and free trade club. Pres., C. B. Rathburn; sec., M. T. Gaffney, 211 Plane st.
PATERSON. - Passaic Co. single tax club. Pres., E. W. Nellis; sec., John A. Craig. 192 Hamburg av. Meetings every Thursday evening at 169 Market st.
VINELAND. - Vineland single tax and ballot reform club. Pres., Rev. Adolph Roeder; sec., Wm. P. Nichols, box 924.
WASHINGTON. - Warren county land and labor club. Pres., A. W. Davis, Oxford: sec, John Morison, box 272, Washington.
NEW YORK. - Manhattan single tax club. Business Meeting first Thursday of each month at 8 p. m.: other Thursdays, social and propaganda. Club rooms, 73 Lexington av.; open every day from 6 p. m. to 12 p. m. Pres., Louis F. Post; sec, A. J. Steers.
Metropolitan single tax association. First and third Saturday evenings of each month, 490 8th av. Pres., John H. O'Connell; sec., Fred. C. Keller.
BBOOKLYN. - Brooklyn single tax club. Business meetings Wednesday evenings; club house, 108 Livingston st.; open at all hours. Pres., Robert Baker; cor. sec., G. W. Thompson, 9 St. Marks av.
Women's single tax club. Meetings the first and third Tuesdays. 198 Livingston s t at 3 o'clock. Pres. Miss Eva J. Turner; sec., Mrs. Robert Baker, 884 Greene av.
East Brooklyn single tax club. Meetings every Monday evening, 408 Evergreen av. Pres., James Hamilton; sec, Jas. B. Connell, 448 Central av.
Eastern District single tax club. Meetings first and third Mondays, 284 Broadway. Pres., Joseph McGuinness, 123 S. 9th st., Brooklyn, E. D.; sec, Emily A. Deverall
Eighteenth ward single tax club. Every Thursday at 8 p. m. at 238 Evergreen av. Pres., J. J. Faulkner; sec., Adolph Pettenkofer, 293 Evergreen av.
ALBANY. - Albany single tax club. Meetings Sunday, 7.30 p.m., Beaver-Block, cor. Pearl and Norton sts. Pres., F. W. Croake; cor. sec., Geo. Noyes.
BUFFALO - Tax Reform Club. Pres., S. C. Rogers; sec, T. M. Crowe, 777 Elk st.
OSWEGO. - Pioneer single tax club. Pres., James Ryan; sec, James C Murray.
OWEGO. - Single tax club. Pres., Michael J. Murray; sec., Wm. Minehaw, 50 West Main st.
LONG ISLAND CITY - Freedom association meets evening of every fourth Friday of the month at Schwalenberg's hall, corner Vernon and Borden avs. Sec, T. G. Drake, 215 Kouwenhoven st.
TROY. - Single tax club.
Meetings every Thursday evening at 576 River st; Pres., Henry Sterling;
sec, B. B. Martin. 576 River st.
West NEW BRIGHTON - Richmond County single tax club. Sec., A. B. Stoddard.
HATTON. - Hatton single tax reform club. Pres., A. S. Foralid; sec. T. E. Nelson; treas., M. F. Hegge.
CINCINNATI. - Cincinnati single tax club. Every Monday night, 7:30 o'clock, Robertson's Hall, Lincoln's Inn Court, 227 Main st. (near P. O.) Pres., Jos. L. Schraer; sec., Dr. David DeBeck. 189 W. 9th st.
CLEVELAND. - Central single tax club. First and third Wednesday evenings, 8 p. m.; rooms, 301 aad 308 Arcade, Euclid av. Pres., Tom L. Johnson; sec, L. E. Siemon, 7 Greenwood st.
DATTON. - Free land club. Pres., J. G. Galloway; sec., W. W. Kile. 108 East 6th st.
GALION. - Galion single tax club. Every Monday evening, residence of P. J. Snay, 103 South Union st. Pres., P. J. Snay; sec., Maud E. Snay,
HEMLOCK. - Single tax club. Pres., D. P. Sweeny; sec. James G. Hayden.
MIAMISBURG. - Miamisburg single tax club. Pres., H. M. Scott; sec, J. T. Beals.
YOUNGSTOWN. - Every Thursday evening, Ivorites hall. Pres., Billy Radcliffe; sec, A. C. Hughes, 13 Public sq.
ZANESVILLE. - Single tax club. Pres., W. H. Longheed; sec, Wm. Quigley.
BRADFORD. - Single tax club. Hevenor's ball. 41 Main st. Meetings for discussion every Sunday at 3.30 p. m.
GERMANTOWN. - Single tax club. Sec., E. D. Burleigh, 13 Willow av.
JOHNSTOWN. - Henry George club. Meets every Monday evening for public discussion. Pres., A J. Moxham; sec., S. E. Clarkson.
PHILADELPHIA. - Single tax society of Philadelphia, every Thursday, 8 p. m., 1341 Arch St.; cor. sec, A. H. Stephenson, 2J0 Chestnut st.
PITTSBURG. - Pittsburg single tax club. Meets every first and third Sunday evening at 7.30, 64 4th av. Pres., Edm. Yardley; sec. Mark F. Roberts, 140 South 24th st.
POTTSTOWN. - Single tax club. Meetings first and third Friday evenings each month in Weitzenkorn's hall. Pres., D. L. Haws; sue., Geo. Auchy, Pottstown, Pa.
READING. - Reading single tax society. Monday evenings, 723 Penn st. Pres-. Chas. S. Prizer; sec. Wm. H. McKinney, Mineral Spring road and Clymer st.
PAWTUCKET. - Pawtucket single tax association. Pres., John McCaffrery; sec, Matthew Curran, 64 Main st.
STATE. - South Dakota single tax association. Pres., Judge Levi McGee, of Rapid City; sec, John B. Hanten, Watertown.
BALTIC. - Baltic single tax club. Pres. T. T. Vrenne; sec, T. J. Questad.
WATERTOWN - Single tax club. Pres. Jno. B. Hanten; sec, L. E. Brickell. Meetings every Wednesday night in basement Granite block.
MEMPHIS - Memphis single tax association. Pres., J. S. Menken; sec, R. G. Brown, Appeal building.
EL PASO. - Single tax club. Meetings every Saturday evening, 2001/2 El Paso st. Pres., G. E. Hubbard; sec., and treas., M. W. Stanton; cor. sec., G. H. Hlggins.
HOUSTON. - Houston single tax club. Meetings every Tuesday evening, 7:30, Franklin st. Pres., E. P. Alsbury; sec., E. W. Brown.
PABKERSBURG. - Parkersburg single tax league. Meetings every Saturday evening, at 600 Market st.; Pres., W. H. Curry; sec., W. F. Thayer.
MILWAUKEE.—Milwaukee single tax league. Pres., L. B. Benton; sec., treas., Martin Johnson.
ADOPTED BY THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE SINGLE TAX LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES AT COOPER UNION, NEW YORK, SEPT. 3, 1890.
assert as our fundamental prlndple the self-evident truth enunciated In
the Declaration of American Independence, that all men are created
equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain Inalienable rights.
We hold that all men are equally emitted to the use and enjoyment of what God has created and of what is gained by the general growth and improvement of the community of which they are a part. Therefore, no one should be permitted to hold natural opportunities without a fair return to all for any special privilege thus accorded to him, and that value which the growth and improvement of the community attach to land should be taken for the use of the community.
We hold that each man is entitled to all that his labor produces. Therefore no tax should be levied on the products of labor.
To carry out these principles we are in favor of raising all public revenues for national, state, county aad municipal purposes by a single tax upon land values, irrespective of improvements, and of the abolition of all forms of direct and indirect taxation.
Since in all our states we now levy some tax on the value of land, the single tax can be instituted by the simple and easy way of abolishing, one after another, all other taxes now levied, aad commeasurately increasng the tax on land values, until we draw upon that one source for all expenses of government, the revenue being divided between local governments, state governments and the general government, as the revenue from direct taxes is now divided between the local and state government; or, a direct assessment being made by the general government upon the states and paid by them from revenues collected in this manner.
The single tax. we propose is not a tax on land, and therefore would not fall on the use of land and become a tax on labor.
It is a tax, not on land, but on the value of land. Thus it would not fall on all land, but only on valuable land, and on that not In proportion to tbe use made of it, but in proportion to its value - the premium which the user of land must pay to the owner, either in purchase money or rent, for permission to use valuable land. It would thus be a tax, not on the use or improvement of land, but on the ownership of land, taking what would otherwise go to the owner as owner, and not as user.
In assessments under the single tax all values created by individual use or improvement would be excluded and the only value taken into consideration would be the value attaching to the bare land by reason of neighborhood, etc., to be determined by impartial periodical assessments. Thus the farmer would have no more taxes to pay than the speculator who held a similar piece of land idle, and the man who on a city lot erected a valuable building would be taxed no more than the man who held a similar lot vacant.
The single tax, in short, would call upon men to contribute to the public revenues, not in proportion to what they produce or accumulate, but in proportion to the value of the natural opportunities they hold. It would compel them to pay just as much for holding land idle as for putting it to its fullest use.
The single tax, therefore, would -
1. Take the weight of taxation off of the agricultural districts where land has little or no value irrespective of improvements, and put it on towns and cities where bare land rises to a value of millions of dollars per acre.
2. Dispense with a multiplicity of taxes and a horde of taxgatherers, simplify government and greatly reduce its cost.
Do away with the fraud, corruption aad gross inequality inseparable
from our present methods of taxation, which allow the rich to escape
while they grind the poor. Land cannot be hid or carried off, and its
value can be ascertained with greater ease and certainty than any other.
4. Give us with all the world as perfect freedom of trade as now exists between tbe states of oar Union, thus enabling our people to share, through free exchanges, in all the advantages which nature has glven to other countries, or which the peculiar skill of other peoples has enabled them to attain. It would destroy the trusts, monopolies and corruptions which are the outgrowths of the tariff. It would do away with the lines and penalities now levied on anyone who improves a farm, erects a house, builds a machine, or in any way adds to the general stock of wealth. It would leave everyone free to apply labor or expend capital in production or exchange without line or restriction, and would leave to each the full product of his exertion.
5. It would, on the other hand, by taking for public use that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and Improvement of the community, make the holding of land unprofitable to the mere owner, and profitable only to tbe user. It would thus make it impossible for speculators and monopolists to hold natural opportunities unused or on a half used, and would throw open to labor the illimitable field of employment which the earth offers to man. It would thus solve the labor problem, do away with involuntary poverty, raise wages in all occupations to the full earnings of Labor, make over-production impossible until all human wants are satisfied, render labor-saving inventions a blessing to all, and cause such an enormous production and such an equitable distribution of wealth as would give to all comfort, leisure and participation in the advantages of an advancing civilisation.
With respect to monopolies other than the monopoly of land, we hold that where free competition becomes impossible, as in telegraphs, railroads, water and gas supplies, etc., such business becomes a proper social function, which should be controlled and managed by and for the whole people ooncerned, through their proper government, local, state or national, as may be.
An old physician, retired from practice, had placed in his hands by an East India missionary the formula of a simple vegetable remedy for the speedy and permanent cure of Consumption, Bronchitis, Catarrh, Asthma and all Throat and I.uug Affections, also a positive and radical cure for Nervous Debility and all Nervous Complaints. Having tested its wonderful curative powers in thousands of cases, and desiring to relieve human suffering, I will send free of charge to all who wish it this recipe in German, French or English, with full directions for preparing and using. Sent by mail, by addressing with stamp, naming this paper, W. A. NOYES, Powers' Block, Rochester, N.Y.
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||A Syllabus of Progress and Poverty. Louis F. Post. 8 pages||3
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||First Principles. Henry George. 4 pages||2
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NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1891.
ONE YEAR, $3.00
Editorial: The Free Trade Meeting - Hill Celebrates All Fools' Day - Municipal Rascality - The Town Jester - An Inconsistent Paper - Not a Panacea - The Australian Commonwealth - Captain Powers New Party - The Right to Own Land - Publisher's Notes - A Brazilian Free Trader - A Sun Falsehood - Home Rule - The Rhode Island Election - Tammany and Hill - Voorhees on Cleveland - The Sligo Flection - The Two Hill Papers.
The Free Trade Meetings: A Great Gathering at Cooper Union Despite the Storm; Speeches by Jerry Simpson, Thomas G. Shearman and Louis F. Post; Numerous Letters from Congressmen and Public Men; Governor Hill Opposes Free Trade - The Banquet of the Single Tax Men of Chicago in Honor of Jefferson's Natal Day; The Letters and Speeches
How California Won Ballot Reform - Joseph Leggett
Has Gold Changed Its Value? - William Dreher
Notes and Queries.
Against New Tax Bills.
Comr. Coleman and Times on Taxation.
Single Tax News.
The First Gun Against Hill.
"Protection or Free Trade?"
To Come From Congressional Districts.
AS PREMIUMS FOR
STANDARD wishes to stimulate its friends to work for a large increase in its circulation between the present time and July 1st.
Anyone determined to do so can obtain one or more subscribers.
To those who will try we offer the following
ONE NEW EIGHT MONTHS' subscription, any one of Henry George's works in paper; worth 35 cents.
ONE NEW YEARLY subscription, any TWO of Henry George's books, in paper; worth 70 cents.
TWO NEW YEARLY subscriptions, a full set of Henry George's works, in paper; worth $1l.
TO ANY INDIVIDUAL or Single Tax Club, sending in FIVE NEW Yearly subscriptions, is offered "Progress and Poverty," "Protection or Free Trade?" and "Social Problems," uniformly bound in cloth; worth #4.
TO ANY INDIVIDUAL or Single Tax Club, sending in TEN NEW Yearly subscriptions, is offered "Progress and Poverty," "Protection or Free Trade?" and "Social Problems," richly bound in half calf or morocco, worth $7.50
(July 3 to December 31,1890.)
A limited number of bound volumes of THE STANDARD In heavy boards are offered for sale at the following prices:
Vol. I . . . . . . . Out of print
(January 8 to July 8,1887.)
Vol. II . . . . . . . $5 00
(July 9 to December 80,1887.)
Vols. III and IV. . . $7 00
(January 7 to December 29, 1888. Bound together.)
Vol. V . . . . . . . $3 50
(January 5 to June 29. 1889).
Vol. VI . . . . . . . $3 50
(July 6 to December 28, 1889).
Vol. VII . . . . . . . $3 50
(January 1 to June 86, 1890).
Vol. VIII . . . . . . . $3 50
(July 2 to December 81,1890).
Address THE STANDARD,
42 University Place, New York
A Single Tax Button in Gold.
We have Just received a neat button in gold, with blue enamel ground. It has the cat's head in the centre with "Single" above it and "Tax" below it. It is round in shapeand smaller than a three-cent piece. Sent to any address on receipt of fifty cents.
HENRY GEORGE & CO.,
42 University Place, New York
The following businesses had ads in the original that have not been transcribed to this web page:
Pears Soap; Ely's Cream Balm [fantastic claims]; Morris George [wants to buy gold silver and jewelry]; Hammond Typewriter for sale [used]; James E. Davis, plumber; Geo. P. Rowell & Co., [Newspaper advertising consultants]; Van Houten's Cocoa;
Bankruptcy Legal Notices: Herbert
S. Renton, John A. Burchell and John E. Hodges, Edward F. Nurse &
Co., Patrick MacKeon, Charles H. Hamilton and William F. Bishop.
Scott's Emulsion [Cod Liver Oil and Hypophosphates]
Ladies Home Companion [magazine]
Home building plans [Name undecipherable on microfilm]
Concord Co-Operative Printing Co. (Ld.)